----------------------------------------
BOOK IX
ALSO this ninth Book, concerning the reign of Justinian, states how he became Anti-Caesar1 on the fifth day of the week in the last week of the fast; and, after he had governed for three months in conjunction with Justin his uncle, who died at the end of July, when the year five was now ending,2 this Justinian became emperor, in the year eight hundred and thirty-eight of the Greeks, in the three hundred and twenty-seventh Olympiad. And the events which happened during his reign down to the year fifteen,3 a space of ten years, which is contained in the sections below, are set down in this ninth Book, consisting of twenty-six chapters. Behold! they are set down below, and are as follows :—
The first chapter of the ninth Book deals with the fighting which went on in the summer of the year five before Nisibis and Thebetha, a Persian fortress.
The second chapter of the Book treats of the battle which was fought in the desert of Thannuris.
The third chapter of the Book gives an account of the battle which was fought before the city of Dara on the frontier.
The fourth chapter of the Book gives information about the battle which was fought on the Euphrates in the year nine.
The fifth chapter tells of Gadar the Kadisene, a Persian general, how he was killed; and Izdegerd, who was with him, a nephew of the Ptehasha of Arzanene, was taken prisoner.
The sixth chapter deals with the battle which was fought before Martyropolis on the frontier, and the large numbers |219 of Huns who invaded the territory of the Romans in the year ten.
The seventh chapter explains how in the summer of the year eleven peace was made between the Romans and the Persians by the ambassadors, Rufinus and Hermogenes, the master of the offices.
The eighth chapter of the ninth Book treats of the Samaritans who rebelled and set up a tyrant of their own in the country of Palestine.
The ninth chapter of the Book, concerning the heresy of Julian the Phantasiast, bishop of the city of Halicarnassus,4 how it appeared.
The tenth chapter sets forth the first epistle of Julian to Severus, with a question about the body of Christ our God.
The eleventh chapter of the Book treats of the answer to the epistle of Julian, which the doctor Severus, the chief priest, wrote to him.
The twelfth chapter of the Book imparts information about the second epistle of Julian, which he wrote to Severus.
The thirteenth chapter tells of the answer made by Severus the patriarch to this second epistle of Julian.
The fourteenth chapter of the Book treats of the riot which took place in the royal city, and describes how Hypatius and Pompeius were put to death, and large numbers of the people were massacred in the circus in the year ten.
The thirteenth chapter tells of the answer made by Severus the patriarch to this second epistle of Julian. The fourteenth chapter of the Book treats of the riot which took place in the royal city, and describes how Hypatius and Pompeius were put to death, and large numbers of the people were massacred in the circus in the year ten.
The fifteenth chapter treats of the request contained in the petition which the believing bishops who had been summoned from exile to the royal city presented to King Justinian concerning their faith.
The sixteenth chapter of the ninth Book sets forth the defence made by Severus the chief priest in his epistle to King Justinian, refusing to come, when summoned by him to the royal city.
The seventeenth chapter of the ninth Book treats of Carthage, the chief city of the country of Africa, how it was |220 taken by Belisarius the general and a Roman army, and made subject to King Justinian.
The eighteenth chapter of the ninth Book deals with Rome and Naples in the country of Italy, and how they were taken by Belisarius the general and a Roman army.
The nineteenth chapter of the ninth Book again treats of Severus the patriarch, who went up to the royal city and appeared before the king, and was received in the palace, and remained there till the end of the month of March in the year fourteen, and then departed.
The twentieth chapter of the ninth Book treats of the epistle of Severus the patriarch to the order of priests and the society of monks in the East, dealing with his expulsion from the royal city.
The twenty-first [chapter] of the ninth Book sets forth the canonical epistle of union and concord which was sent by Anthimus, chief priest of the royal city, to Severus the patriarch.
The twenty-second chapter of the ninth Book treats of the epistle of concord and union canonically sent by Severus in answer to Anthimus, chief priest of Constantinople, the royal city.
The twenty-third chapter of the ninth Book introduces the epistle of concord and union which was canonically sent by Severus to Theodosius of Alexandria.
The twenty-fourth chapter of the ninth Book treats further of the canonical epistle of union and concord which was sent by Theodosius the patriarch in answer to Severus the doctor.
The twenty-fifth chapter of the ninth Book gives information about the canonical epistle of concord which was sent by Anthimus, chief priest of the royal city, to Theodosius, patriarch of the great city of Alexandria.
The twenty-sixth chapter of the ninth Book records the answer to the epistle, which was canonically sent by |221 Theodosius, archbishop of Alexandria, to Anthimus, chief priest of the royal city, in concord and brotherhood.
There is inserted also in it, at the end of this ninth Book, the prologue given above, which was composed concisely under heads by the holy Moro, bishop of Amicla, a man deserving of blessed memory, upon the Gospel and the dispensation of Christ in the flesh, and also a story which is contained in the eighty-ninth canon, taken from the Gospel of John and mentioned by him alone, about a woman with child by adultery, who was brought to Him by the Jewish doctors.5
CHAPTER I
> THE FIRST CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, TREATING OF THE ACCESSION OF JUSTINIAN, AND OF THE FIGHTING WHICH WENT ON BEFORE NISIBIS AND THE FORTRESS OF THEBETHA
In the year five,6 when Justin was king, that old man of whom we related above 7 that he came from the country of Illyricum, he made his sister's son, who was general, Anti-Caesar;8 and Justinian became Anti-Caesar on the fifth day of the week in the last week of the fast. And,9 after he had governed for three months, his uncle died, at the end of July, and he became emperor, in the year eight hundred and thirty-eight of the Greeks,10 in the three hundred and twenty-seventh Olympiad. And11 as to his own Castra Mauriana he gave orders, and a great city was built, and privileges were granted to it, and a military force was also stationed in it; and water was brought into it from a distance,12 because its own water was bad. |222
And, behold! from the beginning of his reign down to this day he has indeed devoted attention to building, refounding cities in various countries, and repairing walls in various places for the protection of his dominions.
But, since the Persians and the Romans were at enmity with one another in those times, while Timus 13 (?), the master of the soldiers, was duke on the frontier, the army with its officers was mustered round him to fight against Nisibis; and they fought, but could not take it, and retired thence to the fortress of Thebetha; and the army came close up to the wall and made a breach in it; and it was the hottest part of the summer. And through some cause or other they were prevented from effecting their purpose, and did not get possession of the fortress, which was about fifteen parasangs from Dara. And the army was ordered to return to Dara; and, because they greedily ate honey and the flesh of large numbers of swine, some of the infantry died of thirst on the march and were lost to the army, and others threw themselves into the wells of the desert and were drowned, and the rest were burnt up by the heat on the march, but the cavalry reached Dara; and so the army was broken up.
CHAPTER II
> THE SECOND CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, CONCERNING THE BATTLE WHICH WAS FOUGHT IN THE DESERT OF THANNURIS
CHAPTER II
> THE SECOND CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, CONCERNING THE BATTLE WHICH WAS FOUGHT IN THE DESERT OF THANNURIS
During the lifetime of Justin 14 the king, who had learned that Thannuris was a convenient place for a city to be built as a place of refuge in the desert, and for a military force to be stationed to protect 'Arab against the marauding bands of |223 Saracens, Thomas the silentiary, a native of Aphphadana, had been sent to build such a city. And, when he had made but inconsiderable progress, then the works which had begun to be carried out were destroyed by the Saracens and Kadisenes from Singara and Thebetha. Now, because the Romans, as we have stated above, had taken the field and fought against Nisibis and Thebetha, therefore afterwards the Persians also similarly came and made an entrenchment (?) in the desert of Thannuris. And, Duke Timus, the master of the soldiers, having died, Belisarius had succeeded him; and he was not greedy after bribes, and was kind to the peasants, and did not allow the army to injure them. For he was accompanied by Solomon, a eunuch from the fortress of Edribath (?); 15 and he was an astute man, and well-versed in the affairs of the world; and he had been notary to Felicissimus the duke, and had been attached to the other governors; and he had gained cunning through experience of difficulties.
Accordingly, a Roman army was mustered for the purpose of marching into the desert of Thannuris against the Persians under the leadership of Belisarius, Cutzes, the brother of Butzes, Basil, Vincent, and other commanders, and Atafar, the chief of the Saracens. And, when the Persians heard of it, they devised a stratagem, and dug several ditches among their trenches, and concealed them (?) all round outside by triangular stakes of wood, and left several openings. And, when the Roman army came up, they did not perceive the Persians' deceitful stratagem in time, but the generals entered the Persian entrenchment at full speed, and, falling into the pits, were taken prisoners, and Cutzes was killed. And of the Roman army those who were mounted turned back and returned in |224 flight to Dara with Belisarius; but the infantry, who did not escape, were killed and taken captive. And Atafar, the Saracen king, during his flight was struck (?) from a short distance off, and perished; and he was a warlike and an able man, and he had had much experience in the use of Roman arms, and in various places had won distinction and renown in war.
CHAPTER III
THE THIRD CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, CONCERNING THE BATTLE BEFORE DARA
And Atafar, the Saracen king, during his flight was struck (? ) from a short distance off, and perished; and he was a warlike and an able man, and he had had much experience in the use of Roman arms, and in various places had won distinction and renown in war. CHAPTER III
THE THIRD CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, CONCERNING THE BATTLE BEFORE DARA
The Persians were proud and puffed up and boastful; and, indeed, the Mihran and the marzbans assembled an army and came against Dara and encamped at Ammodis, being fully confident in the expectation of taking the city, because the Roman army had been diminished by their sword. And their cavalry and infantry approached and came up on the south side of the city, intending to encompass it all round for the purpose of blockading it; but a Roman force met them by the help of our Lord, who chastises but does not utterly deliver over unto death. For a certain Sunica, a general, who was a Hun, and, having taken refuge with the Romans, had been baptized, and Simuth (?),16 a Roman tribune, and their armour-bearers with twenty men each drove the whole Persian army away from the city several times, passing boldly and vigorously from one part of the field to another, and cutting men down right and left with the lance. And they were practised in the use of the sword; and their cry was loud and terrific, and made them appear terrible to the Persians, so |225 that they fell before them : and two of their leaders were killed, besides no small number of horsemen; while of the faige, who are the Persian infantry, many were cut down and hurled back by the Helurians,17 under Butzes, to the east of the city.
And the Persians, when they saw how great the number of the dead was, acted craftily, and sent to Nisibis, asking them to bring as many baggage-animals as possible and come at once to Dara, and take as much spoil as they could. And, when large numbers came, they laded them with the bodies of their slain, and then they returned in shame. However, the rest of the Persian force invaded Roman 'Arab, and burned it with fire.
CHAPTER IV
THE FOURTH CHAPTER, CONCERNING THE BATTLE WHICH WAS FOUGHT ON THE EUPHRATES IN THE YEAR NINE 18
And, when large numbers came, they laded them with the bodies of their slain, and then they returned in shame. However, the rest of the Persian force invaded Roman 'Arab, and burned it with fire. CHAPTER IV
THE FOURTH CHAPTER, CONCERNING THE BATTLE WHICH WAS FOUGHT ON THE EUPHRATES IN THE YEAR NINE 18
The Persians, having learned wisdom by experience through the great injury which they had suffered from the attacks of the Romans whenever they approached the city and went out against them, went up into the desert portion of the Roman territory and encamped on the Euphrates; and according to their usual practice they made a trench. And Belisarius at the head of a Roman force and tribunes came up against them to battle; and they arrived in the last week of the fast. And the Persians were found to be as a little flock, and so they appeared in their eyes : and Asthebid their commander was afraid of them, and those who were with him; and he sent 19 to the Romans, asking them to respect the feast, |226 "for the sake of the Nazarenes and Jews who are in the army that is with me, and for the sake of yourselves, who are Christians." And, when Belisarius the general had considered this, he was willing to agree; but the commanders murmured greatly, and would not consent to wait and respect the day. And, when they went out to battle on the eve of the first day of the week, the day of unleavened bread, it was a cold day, with the wind in the face of the Romans; and they showed themselves feeble, and turned and fled before the Persian attack; and many fell into the Euphrates and were drowned, and others were killed; but Belisarius escaped, while the nephew of Butzes was taken prisoner (for he himself was ill at Amida, and did not go to the battle, but sent his army to Abgersatum under Domitziolus), and went down to Persia, but eventually returned : and how this happened I will relate in this next chapter.
CHAPTER V
> THE FIFTH CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, CONCERNING GADAR THE KADISENE, A PERSIAN GENERAL, HOW HE WAS KILLED; AND IZDEGERD, WHO WAS WITH HIM, AND WAS NEPHEW OF HORMIZD, PTEHASHA OF ARZANENE, WAS TAKEN PRISONER
CHAPTER V
> THE FIFTH CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, CONCERNING GADAR THE KADISENE, A PERSIAN GENERAL, HOW HE WAS KILLED; AND IZDEGERD, WHO WAS WITH HIM, AND WAS NEPHEW OF HORMIZD, PTEHASHA OF ARZANENE, WAS TAKEN PRISONER
The Romans, when Belisarius was duke, in the year five,20 having been prevented from building Thannuris on the frontier, wished to make a city at Melebasa; wherefore Gadar the Kadisene was sent with an army by Kawad; and he prevented the Romans from effecting their purpose, and put them to flight in a battle which he fought with them on the hill of Melebasa. And he was high in the confidence of Kawad, |227 and had been stationed with an army to guard the frontier eastwards from Melebasa in the country of Arzanene as far as Martyropolis. And this man uttered many boasts and vain words against the Romans, and blasphemed like Rab Shaken, who was sent by Sennacherib. And he brought about seven hundred armed cavalry, and some infantry, who accompanied them for the sake of amassing plunder; and they crossed the Tigris into the district of Attachae in the territory of Amida. And Bessa was duke in Martyropolis; and it was summer time in this year nine.21 And with Gadar was Izdegerd, the nephew 22 of the Ptekasha,23 who, as a neighbour, knew the region of Attachae. And when Eessa heard of it he went out against him with about five hundred horsemen from Martyropolis, which was about four (?) 24 stades distant. And he met him at Beth Helte and routed his army on the Tigris, and killed Gadar, and took Izdegerd prisoner and brought him to Martyropolis. This man after the peace, which was made in the year ten,25 was given in exchange for Domitziolus, who returned from Persia. But Bessa the duke after routing Gadar and the Persian cavalry, who were guarding the frontier of Arzanene, entered the country and did much damage there; and he carried off captives and brought them to Martyropolis.
CHAPTER VI
> THE SIXTH CHAPTER INFORMS US IN THIS NINTH BOOK ABOUT THE FIGHTING WHICH WENT ON BEFORE MARTYROPOLIS, AND ABOUT THE GREAT HOST OF HUNS WHICH INVADED THE TERRITORY OF THE ROMANS
But Bessa the duke after routing Gadar and the Persian cavalry, who were guarding the frontier of Arzanene, entered the country and did much damage there; and he carried off captives and brought them to Martyropolis. CHAPTER VI
> THE SIXTH CHAPTER INFORMS US IN THIS NINTH BOOK ABOUT THE FIGHTING WHICH WENT ON BEFORE MARTYROPOLIS, AND ABOUT THE GREAT HOST OF HUNS WHICH INVADED THE TERRITORY OF THE ROMANS
The villages in the country of Arzanene are the property of the Persian crown, and no small sum is collected as poll-tax |228 from their inhabitants for the king's treasury and for the office of the Ptehasha, who is stationed there (he is the king's prefect). To this country, as related above, Bessa the duke did much injury; who took the nephew of the Ptehasha captive, and also kept him prisoner in Martyropolis. And King Kawad was much distressed when he heard from the Ptehasha about the devastation of the country: which same Hormizd left no stone unturned, 26 using force and cunning (?) against Martyropolis, in order to get possession of it, for it acts as an ambush and a place of refuge for a Roman army, enabling it to ravage Arzanene. And an army was, so to speak, equipped by the Persian army: Mihr Girowi was sent to hire a large number of Huns and bring them to their assistance. And they came and were gathered together against Martyropolis at the begining of the year ten; 27 and they made a trench against it, and a "mule" 28 and many mines; and they made assaults upon it, and pressed it hard. And in it was Butzes and a Roman force of no small size, and they drove large numbers of Persians back in battle. But Nonnus also, the bishop of the city, had died.
Now Belisarius, being held culpable by the king on account of the rout which had been inflicted on the Roman army by the Persians at Thannuris and on the Euphrates, had been dismissed from his command, and went up to the king; and he was succeeded at Dara by Constantine.
And a large Roman army was mustered, and Sittas was general; and Bar Gabala, the Saracen king, was with them. And they reached Amida in November 29 (?) of the year ten;30 and John, the hermit of Anastasia, a man of honourable character, who had been elected to the bishopric, accompanied |229 them. And, when they had gone to Martyropolis and the winter came on (and the country is northerly and cold), the Persians were impeded by rain and mud, and underwent hardships, while they were also afraid of the numbers of the Roman army; and Kawad their king also had died while they were there; and they made a compact with the Romans to withdraw from the city.
And, soon after they had withdrawn and Martyropolis had been freed from blockade, and the Roman army had returned, the Huns,31 who had been hired by the Persians, arrived. This great people suddenly attacked the territory of the Romans, and massacred and slew many of the tillers of the soil, and burned villages and their churches; and they crossed the Euphrates and advanced as far as Antioch; and no one stood before them or did them any harm except only the same Bessa, the duke of Martyropolis, who fell upon a detachment of them during their retreat and killed them, and captured about five hundred horses and much spoil; and the man became rich. And at the fortress of Citharizon the duke there repulsed a party of them, consisting of about four hundred men, and captured their baggage-animals.
Now32 after Kawad Khosru his son became king. His mother during the lifetime of Kawad her husband had been vexed by a demon; and all the magians and sorcerers and enchanters, who had been summoned by Kawad her husband, who loved her greatly, did her no good, but, to say the truth, added demons to demons in her. She in the year four,33 in the days of Liberius the duke, was sent to the blessed Moses, who was a monk close to Dara, about two parasangs' space distant, and was a famous man. And she was with him a few days, and was cleansed, and returned to her own land, |230 having received from this holy Moses of the monastery called Tarmel an amulet taken from the bones of Cyriac the martyr to protect her, that in it she might find refuge, so that the spirit should not return upon her. And, to do him honour, she, under a certain symbolical form (?), built him a house of prayer in her own country, and he is worshipped there. And, remembering the grace wrought in her through this blessed Moses of Tarmel, she did a service to the land of the Romans in the manner and on the occasion set forth below.
CHAPTER VII
> THE SEVENTH CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, HOW PEACE WAS MADE BETWEEN THE ROMANS AND THE PERSIANS, AND LASTED SIX OR SEVEN YEARS, IN THE DAYS OF RUFINUS AND OF HERMOGENES, THE MASTER OF THE OFFICES.
And, remembering the grace wrought in her through this blessed Moses of Tarmel, she did a service to the land of the Romans in the manner and on the occasion set forth below. CHAPTER VII
> THE SEVENTH CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, HOW PEACE WAS MADE BETWEEN THE ROMANS AND THE PERSIANS, AND LASTED SIX OR SEVEN YEARS, IN THE DAYS OF RUFINUS AND OF HERMOGENES, THE MASTER OF THE OFFICES.
Justinian the king, considering the things which had happened in his dominions between the rivers, and the forces which had at various times been destroyed by the Persians, and the tillers of the soil who had been slain and made captive by the Huns, and the land which had been burnt with the villages upon it, was not inclined again to send an army to contend in war with Khosru, who became king after Kawad his father. And, since this man was friendly to Rufinus, and it was he who had advised his father to make him his successor, he used to make assertion to the king, and encourage him, and to undertake that, if he showed himself before him in his own country, he would for the sake of the |231 peace desired by the king accept what he justly asked of him. And so this Rufinus and Hermogenes, the master of the offices, were sent as ambassadors to Khosru in the year eleven;34 and they had much speech with him. And, because this Rufinus was well known there, inasmuch as he had been several times sent to Kawad, and was his friend, and used to give many presents to the magnates of his kingdom, and the queen, the mother of Khosru, was friendly to him, because he had advised Kawad to make her son king, and she owed gratitude to Moses the blessed monk of Tarmel after God for her healing, she earnestly entreated Khosru her son, and on consideration of a sum of gold which he received, which was sent by King Justinian according to the message transmitted to him by Rufinus and Hermogenes his ambassadors, he made peace; and a written treaty was drawn up and ratified. And35 the stars in the sky had appeared dancing in a strange manner, and it was the summer of the year eleven.36 And it lasted about six or seven years, until the year three.37
CHAPTER VIII
> THE EIGHTH CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, CONCERNING THE SAMARITANS, WHO REBELLED AND SET UP A TYRANT OF THEIR OWN IN THE COUNTRY OF PALESTINE.
And35 the stars in the sky had appeared dancing in a strange manner, and it was the summer of the year eleven. 36 And it lasted about six or seven years, until the year three. 37
CHAPTER VIII
> THE EIGHTH CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, CONCERNING THE SAMARITANS, WHO REBELLED AND SET UP A TYRANT OF THEIR OWN IN THE COUNTRY OF PALESTINE.
The Samaritans in the country of Palestine who live near the city of Neapolis, not far from Caesarea, having heard that |232 the Persians had from time to time attacked and invaded the Roman territory, and supposing that they had shown themselves weak before them, were emboldened by the thought that they had been sent from Khuth and Babylon, and from 'Awa and from Hamath and from S'farwayim by Shalman'asar, king of Assyria, and settled in the land of Samaria; and, having rebelled, they set38 a tyrant at their head; and they entered Neapolis, and killed Mommuno the bishop there; and they made an insurrection, and wrought havoc in the country, wishing to help the Persians, because it was out of their country that they had been settled in the territory of the Romans; and they burnt many temples of the saints; and they occupied the city and amassed spoil.
And, when the king heard of this, he sent Hadrian the tribune; and there were gathered together also the duke of the country, who was with him, and an army of Romans, and the Saracens of Arabia; and they marched against the Samaritans. And they were cut to pieces by the Romans; and they killed the tyrant, and took the city and restored it to its former normal condition of subjection to their authority. And a bishop was also appointed in it; and a military force was stationed there, to guard it and to keep order among the inhabitants of the country.
CHAPTER IX
> THE NINTH CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, CONCERNING THE PHANTASIASTIC HERESY OF JULIAN OF HALICARNASSUS, HOW IT APPEARED
Julian,39 bishop of the city of Halicarnassus, withdrew from his see through zeal with the other believing bishops; and he was an old man. and he was zealous in the faith: and in his desire to avoid speaking of two natures he, like Eutyches and |233 the monks who have not a right knowledge of the true order of things, fell into the heresy of Eutyches. (And he was an acquaintance and a friend of the learned Severus the chief priest; and once this same Julian on being questioned by someone composed a treatise against the Diphysites, and he produced it (?) at no great length without cause of offence.) However, though that wise combatant Severus had heard of it, he had kept this knowledge hidden, fearing lest, if he corrected it, house should be divided against house, and he should cause a division in love, which no man had been able to separate, being patiently determined to accept his poverty, which is according to right (?).
) at no great length without cause of offence. ) However, though that wise combatant Severus had heard of it, he had kept this knowledge hidden, fearing lest, if he corrected it, house should be divided against house, and he should cause a division in love, which no man had been able to separate, being patiently determined to accept his poverty, which is according to right (? ).
And, when in this way 40 reason was added to reason, as our Lord brought it about, in order, that is, that the learning of Severus might be made manifest, the beauty of his true faith, for the benefit of the discerning and of those who love instruction, [he was compelled to expose the matter].41
And, to show the nature of the original subject of contention, I insert some epistles, which, taken in order, supply information to the reader, in the following chapters of this ninth Book. |234
CHAPTER X
> THE TENTH CHAPTER, CONCERNING THE FIRST EPISTLE OF JULIAN TO SEVERUS, WITH A QUESTION ABOUT THE BODY OF CHRIST 42
"Certain 43 men have appeared here who say that the body of our Lord was corruptible, making use of testimony from the holy Cyril; in the first place from what he wrote to Succensus, saying, 'After the Resurrection it was the body which had suffered, though it no longer supported human infirmities but was incorruptible';44 and from this they wish to prove that before the Resurrection it was corruptible, inasmuch as it was of our nature, but after the Resurrection it received incorruptibility: and in the second place from what he wrote to Theodosius the king, saying, 'It is a marvel and a miracle that a body naturally subject to corruption rose without corruption.'45
"And they quoted such things as these by way of extracts; but I, who set down the whole passage, made it my endeavour to show the opinion held, by numerous doctors. But they brought me also his sixty-seventh treatise, which was written by him on the subject of the holy Virgin, the Theotokos, and in it are contained the words, 'The body of our Lord was in no way subjected to the sin which belongs to corruption, hut was susceptible of death and of true burial, and He destroyed them in it.' 46 And I indeed considered it to be an error in |235 writing. And so, in order that the dispute may be solved by our being examined by you, I have also sent what I have written,47 and I am convinced that our fathers agree with it. And write to me at once, that I may know what opinions to hold on these matters, because I do not consider it right that we should again say that that which was not corrupted was susceptible of corruption. And pray that our life may be in unison with the grace of God."
CHAPTER XI
THE ELEVENTH CHAPTER, THE RESPONSE TO THIS EPISTLE OF JULIAN, WHICH SEVERUS WROTE TO HIM, AS FOLLOWS
And write to me at once, that I may know what opinions to hold on these matters, because I do not consider it right that we should again say that that which was not corrupted was susceptible of corruption. And pray that our life may be in unison with the grace of God. "
CHAPTER XI
THE ELEVENTH CHAPTER, THE RESPONSE TO THIS EPISTLE OF JULIAN, WHICH SEVERUS WROTE TO HIM, AS FOLLOWS
"When first I received your piety's epistle, I rejoiced in accordance with my custom at your greeting, with which I was well pleased. Since in it you urge me to read the tome composed by you, which you sent with it, written to those who, you say, think and say concerning the body of our Lord and God, Jesus Christ our Saviour, that it was corruptible, and you ask me to write a criticism of it and send it to the love of God that is you, in obedience to you I have readily done this, I, a man who change about from one place to another and have no convenient time even for other things that are required. Still, so far as it was possible for it to be written, I have written it, partly by collecting in my memory passages from the teaching of the fathers, partly also from the few volumes of their works which were here. For I know well that there was a similar question in the royal city also, and by means of the proofs from the fathers drawn up by me the controversy and dispute were brought to an end. And so, since there appeared to me to be something unseemly in the things written by you, |236 since I find that the doctors of the holy Church, who have been from time to time, have instructed me differently on these matters, I have delayed sending what I have written to your piety (as indeed was right), lest some in ignorance should suppose that the controversy conducted in these words was a strife between us, and, although a discussion such as I knew it was would abound in love, yet some might suppose it to be hostility. Accordingly, let me know at once what your pleasure is upon these things, for I am ready to perform whatever is agreeable to your affection, holding as my warrant the saying of the apostle, who said, 'Let everything that is done by you be done in love.'"48
CHAPTER XII
THE TWELFTH CHAPTER, THE SECOND EPISTLE OF JULIAN TO SEVERUS, WRITTEN IN ANSWER TO THE PRECEDING, AS A RESPONSE TO IT
Accordingly, let me know at once what your pleasure is upon these things, for I am ready to perform whatever is agreeable to your affection, holding as my warrant the saying of the apostle, who said, 'Let everything that is done by you be done in love. '"48
CHAPTER XII
THE TWELFTH CHAPTER, THE SECOND EPISTLE OF JULIAN TO SEVERUS, WRITTEN IN ANSWER TO THE PRECEDING, AS A RESPONSE TO IT
"You 49 write that there appeared to you to be something unseemly in the things which I have written; and you ought to have informed me at once in the epistle, and released me from anxiety. But I believe that in all that I have written I have truly confessed the Incarnation derived from us, and I have exerted myself to prove that the fathers were in accord with one another; for I do not consider it possible for us to believe and hold that which is corruptible and that which is incorruptible to be the same. And, while we confess Him who by His stripes healed all men to be passible, yet we also know Him to be raised and exalted above passions; and, if He was mortal, yet we also confess that He trampled on death, and gave life to mortals through His death. Accordingly you have only caused me anxiety by saying that I have written |237 something that is unseemly, and not telling me what it is, that I may defend it. But condescend to write and tell me what is stated by the fathers, by Athanasius 50 and Cyril and others, for I wish to know your mind also. But51 I believe that I have followed the intention of the fathers, who are not at variance with themselves or at variance with one another, even as Paul, who says that salvation is not by works but by faith, is not at variance with James, who says that faith without works is dead. They did not say these things in opposition to one another, but in concord.52
"But pray that we may be enlightened by God, and may not through passion yield to our own wills, while at the same time you cause the word in a brief compass to shine upon us.
"The holy Cyril writes, 'It is not easy for us to say that corruption can ever take hold of the flesh which was united to the Word';53 and five lines lower down, 'It is a wonder and a miracle that a body naturally subject to corruption was raised.' 54 And what is the idea which he wishes to bring out (for he is not at variance with himself in these things), if he was not in these words thinking of the corruption of universal nature? For He bore our infirmities of His own will and not by compulsion of nature ; and He took up our sins in His body on the tree, dying for our sin."
CHAPTER XIII
THE THIRTEENTH CHAPTER, THE RESPONSE TO THIS EPISTLE, ADDRESSED TO THE SAME JULIAN BY SEVERUS
For He bore our infirmities of His own will and not by compulsion of nature ; and He took up our sins in His body on the tree, dying for our sin. "
CHAPTER XIII
THE THIRTEENTH CHAPTER, THE RESPONSE TO THIS EPISTLE, ADDRESSED TO THE SAME JULIAN BY SEVERUS
"It 55 seems to me a very strange thing, when I call to |238 mind the few words which I wrote, that the love of God that is in you says that you were in great anxiety; since I performed your request for no other reason than to free you from anxiety and disturbance. For, if you had sent me a small question and problem, then I might perhaps have used few words in making answer; but, since it is a tome of many lines and a fully-completed work that you have sent me to examine, after considering the things contained in it every day according to my ability, I will make my opinion clear to you.
"Now in respect of what is fitting I have found much which I will do readily for your piety; and, to show that I am not speaking falsely, listen to what you wrote, as follows: 'In order to bring about an understanding of the matter in dispute, I have sent what I have written; but test it to see whether it is in accord with the Holy Scriptures, because I believe that our fathers were in accord with these. Write and tell me what opinion I am to hold.' Since, therefore, you have given me matter for much discussion, how is it that in your second epistle you have required me to treat of many matters in a few lines and in a single utterance, as you say, a thing which needs many words and proofs from the fathers, who spoke under the inspiration of God? For the Holy Scripture says, 'It is the Lord that teacheth intelligence and knowledge';56 and again in another place, 'The Lord giveth wisdom; and from His presence cometh knowledge and understanding. And lie giveth salvation to the righteous.'57 For, if your piety and we endeavour in this way to prove with respect to these fathers that they are not in opposition to one another, there is nothing to prevent us from examining the matter carefully and knowing that they have never in anyway shown |239 themselves to be in opposition either to one another or to themselves.
And lie giveth salvation to the righteous. '57 For, if your piety and we endeavour in this way to prove with respect to these fathers that they are not in opposition to one another, there is nothing to prevent us from examining the matter carefully and knowing that they have never in anyway shown |239 themselves to be in opposition either to one another or to themselves.
"For 58 you rightly and justly say that the doctors are not in opposition to one another, even as Paul is not in opposition to James when the one says, 'By faith is a man justified without works,'59 while the other wrote, 'Faith without works is dead';60 because Paul spoke of faith before baptism, which is the perfection of confession out of a pure heart, when it has not previously displayed good works in the world, but such a man is justified by believing and confessing and being baptized; while James referred to faith after baptism, when he said that it is dead without works, if a man does not confirm it by right action. For baptism is the earnest of a good conversation; since even our Lord, who was to us an instructor, after He had hallowed the water and been baptized by John and given us the institution of baptism, Went up to the mountain and underwent a struggle with the tempter and destroyed all his power, thereby guiding us, that we might know that after the divine cleansing we ought to display a contest in deed and to struggle according to law with the adversary, therein displaying our virtues.
"But someone will object, and say, 'Behold! Paul took Abraham as a proof that a man is justified by faith without works, saying, "Therefore they that are in the faith are blessed with the believing Abraham";61 and, "To him that hath not worked but hath believed on Him that can justify sinners his faith is reckoned for righteousness";62 while James proved by the case of Abraham that a man is not justified |240 by faith only, but by works confirmed by faith.63 And how are these not contradictory? for the same Abraham is an example of those who have not worked but believed, and of those who have shown faith by works.'
63 And how are these not contradictory? for the same Abraham is an example of those who have not worked but believed, and of those who have shown faith by works. '
"I am ready to explain from the Holy Scriptures. For he who examines the periods of Abraham's life [will see] that he is an instance of both, of the faith which before baptism confesses salvation by believing in Christ, and of that after baptism which is joined with works, which is a reproduction of the old circumcision of the flesh, which drives away the denial of uncircumcision and brings to us the adoption as sons by God; wherefore Moses also was ordered to say thus to Far'oh; 'And say thou unto Far'oh, "Israel is my son, my firstborn."'64 Wherefore Paul writes to the Colossians and says, ' In whom ye were circumcised with a circumcision not made with hands, in the putting off of the flesh of sins and in the circumcision of Christ, and ye were buried with Him in baptism.'65 Wherefore he said of Abraham also that he was justified by faith without works while he was in uncircumcision, before he was circumcised, thus pointing to confession before baptism without works, writing to the Romans, 'To Abraham his faith was reckoned for righteousness. How? Not through circumcision, but in uncircumcision.' 66 And he did not speak falsely; for the words of Moses are witness, which say of God that He said to Abraham, 'Look toward heaven and tell the stars, if thou. be able to tell them'; and He said, 'So shall thy seed be': |241 and Abraham believed God, and it was reckoned to him for righteousness.67
How? Not through circumcision, but in uncircumcision. ' 66 And he did not speak falsely; for the words of Moses are witness, which say of God that He said to Abraham, 'Look toward heaven and tell the stars, if thou. be able to tell them'; and He said, 'So shall thy seed be': |241 and Abraham believed God, and it was reckoned to him for righteousness. 67
"But again our master James also took the same Abraham as an example in the faith which saves by works after baptism, he being then circumcised and not in uncircumcision. And we may learn from the Scripture; for he writes thus : 'Wilt thou know, O man, that faith without works is dead? For our father Abraham was justified by works, when he offered Isaac his son as a burnt-sacrifice. Thou seest that faith wrought with his works, and by works was made perfect. And the Scripture was fulfilled which saith, "Abraham believed God, and it was reckoned to him for righteousness: and He was called his friend."'68 It is easy again for one .who reads the writings of Moses to learn from the book of Genesis that Abraham, after he was circumcised, offered Isaac as a burnt-sacrifice and fulfilled the commandment and was justified by works, giving us an instance of faith after baptism, which is a spiritual circumcision, justifying a man by works; for it is written, 'Abraham was circumcised, and Ishmael his son, and those born in his house, and those bought with his money from strange peoples';69 and then God, trying Abraham, said to him, 'Take thy son, whom thou lovest, even Isaac, and get thee to the high land; and offer him there as a burnt-sacrifice.'70 Accordingly these words of the apostles and those written in the old law do not seem to be in opposition to one another, but to be one, and to have been spoken by one spirit concerning faith before baptism, which justifies the man who presents himself upon a short confession only without action, baptism |242 being full salvation if a man depart from the world forthwith, and another faith, which is after baptism, which requires the proof of good works and also raises the man to the measure of perfection and to high place.71 And so also James very properly says of it that faith is made perfect by works; since the wise Paul also in another place gives similar teaching respecting faith, saying that it is made perfect through works: for the Galatians, after they had been baptized and been reckoned sons of God through the Spirit, were perverted to Judaism and were circumcised, since they vainly supposed that by the circumcision of their flesh they gained something in Christ beyond the uncircumcised; and he wrote to reprove them, saying, 'In Jesus Christ neither circumcision nor uncircumcision availeth anything; but faith which is worked out by love.'72 From this also, therefore, it is plain that that kind of faith after baptism is of avail and saves with which work is joined and united in love; and what work done in love is Paul declares and says, 'Love is long-suffering and kind; love is not envious and excited and puffed up, nor is it ashamed; and it seeketh not its own, and is not provoked; and it imputeth no evil; and rejoiceth not in iniquity, but rejoiceth in the truth; and it hopeth all things, and endureth all things. Love doth not quickly fail.'73 These things are for the direction of action and labour and toil, that many may be profited and be saved, when united to faith. And who will dare to find fault? for respecting this our Lord also said, 'If ye love Me, keep My commandments.'74 |243
Love doth not quickly fail. '73 These things are for the direction of action and labour and toil, that many may be profited and be saved, when united to faith. And who will dare to find fault? for respecting this our Lord also said, 'If ye love Me, keep My commandments. '74 |243
"As, therefore, the Holy Scriptures and our fathers have been consistent in the teaching given to us, so upon this question too they are in accord in teaching those who do not read negligently: wherefore, as it is written, 'Everything is known to the understanding, and plain to them that find knowledge';75 which knowledge I have endeavoured to send in a discreet manner to your affection, as is the duty of Christians.76
"But, since I have learned from several quarters that you have published the tome containing your work, which was addressed to me, not only in the great city of Alexandria but also in various places, in accordance, as I am persuaded, with Christ, even God the Lawgiver, I have in love again sent and written to our brother the presbyter Thomas not to publish my work, but to keep it to himself, because I hoped that by the counsel of two persons, as by one mouth and soul, my writings and those of your Holiness might be made known. For after this fashion I once and again examined the teaching of the memorable Akhs'noyo77 and Eleusinus the bishops, and the books which they composed upon abstruse matters concerning the faith; and I never found in their case any declaration of the relations which we had with one another in love during our discussions, when by the help of our Lord we were alike of one mind. For I never produced either book or treatise in order to gain distinction with men, or to win renown beyond the measure of my feebleness, but in the rectitude of the Gospel in accordance with the teaching and legislation of the apostles. However, it is also unseemly that at such a time as this we should abandon the struggle against the heretics and contend and write against one another, lest the saying of the apostle be |244 fulfilled against us, who says, 'If ye bite and devour one another, take heed that ye be not consumed one of another.' 78 Such contentions it is the duty of those who love our Lord to shun with all their power, and to love one another, that peace may abound and may visit the Israel of God. Greet the brotherhood that is with you. The one that is with me salutes you in our Lord."
' 78 Such contentions it is the duty of those who love our Lord to shun with all their power, and to love one another, that peace may abound and may visit the Israel of God. Greet the brotherhood that is with you. The one that is with me salutes you in our Lord. "
When Julian received this epistle also from this learned Severus, he was very indignant, and was moved with anger; and he wrote, saying that his request had been refused by him for a year 79 and a month, and he had not received the respect due to him, and he had been tricked (?). And then Severus again wrote a long treatise abounding in proofs from the true doctors of the holy Church, who say that the body of Christ which He received from us was susceptible of innocent passions except sin until the Resurrection.80 And for this reason, in order that it may be known, I have set down the above epistles for the discerning.
There were many books addressed to Julian and Felicissimus and Romanus and others who shared his opinions, and in them there is also much material for profit in study for those that love instruction. And they became known to the sagacious and intelligent of the true party of the faith concerning the Incarnation of our Saviour, and the simple were preserved and enlightened so as not to become Eutychianists, and especially the monks. |245
CHAPTER XIV
> THE FOURTEENTH CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, CONCERNING THE RIOT WHICH HAPPENED AT CONSTANTINOPLE, AND HOW HYPATIUS AND POMPEIUS WERE KILLED, AND LARGE NUMBERS OF THE PEOPLE WERE MASSACRED IN THE CIRCUS
|245
CHAPTER XIV
> THE FOURTEENTH CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK, CONCERNING THE RIOT WHICH HAPPENED AT CONSTANTINOPLE, AND HOW HYPATIUS AND POMPEIUS WERE KILLED, AND LARGE NUMBERS OF THE PEOPLE WERE MASSACRED IN THE CIRCUS
In the year ten 81 the slaughter wrought by the many Huns who invaded the territory of the Romans, and harried it, and killed many people who were in the country, and burned, as recorded above, was not enough, but in the royal city also many persons perished there in a riot which broke out. For, when John of Caesarea in Cappadocia was prefect there, by sedulously inventing pretexts against persons by the use of trickery and cunning, there and in various cities, he amassed a large quantity of gold for the royal treasury from all classes, both magnates and craftsmen; and he was listened to with attention in the palace, and was formidable to everyone, since he stood so high in the confidence of the king that he made false accusations against many persons; and he was surrounded by flatterers and informers. And there were present in the royal city no small number of people from every quarter who had complaints against him, and favoured and supported one of the factions. Wherefore there were constant outcries against him and against the king; and the factions united and were in accord with one another for several days; and the workshops were shut, and they began to plunder everything that came in their way, and to burn. And the king |246 was alarmed ; and at last the palace was shut. And the parties collected in the circus and raised a great riot; and they kept crying out that Hypatius should be king; and, if not, they would burn the city. And Hypatius was compelled to come out, and Pompeius accompanied him. And they took a necklace belonging to one of the soldiers and set it on his head and enthroned him king, and they cried out at him and praised him. And, when this happened, by the advice of certain persons they set fire to the great church of the city, in order that upon receiving the news of the disaster the assembled people might be scattered; for King Justinian was in distress and alarm in the palace. And Mundus, a general, and his troops were present there; and he and the Scholarians and all the troops who were at hand received orders, and they shut the door of the circus, and they massacred and slew all classes of people who were present there; and there were no means of fleeing and escaping from the massacre. And more than 80,000 persons perished there in this riot. And Hypatius and Pompeius were at last arrested, and came in before the king. And, when he understood the state of the case, he wished to spare the men's lives; but he was not able to do so, for his consort was enraged, and swore by God and by him, and adjured him also to have the men put to death. And they were sent to the seashore and killed and thrown into the sea.
CHAPTER XV
> THE FIFTEENTH CHAPTER, CONCERNING THE BELIEVING BISHOPS WHO WERE RECALLED FROM EXILE TO THE ROYAL CITY AND PRESENTED A SUPPLICATION TO THE KING CONCERNING THEIR FAITH, WHICH RUNS AS FOLLOWS
"Various82 other men crown your believing head, O victorious king, with a crown of praises—men who take |247 occasion from the case of other persons to write words about your favours towards them; but we, who have been ourselves judged worthy to experience your virtues, render thanks to you with a crown of laudation, which we weave with splendour. And, while in the desert, and, so to speak, at the end of the world, we have been this long time dwelling in quietness, praying to the good and merciful God during such days as those on behalf of your Majesty and on behalf of our sins: and your tranquillity has inclined towards our vileness and in your believing letters summoned us to come to you. And the thing is a wonder to us that you did not receive this our request with scorn, but, with the kindness innate in you, sympathised with us, so as to bring us out of affliction, making the pretext that this or that man had interceded for us.
"Now we, since it is our duty to obey when commanded, immediately left the desert, and, journeying quietly along the road in peace without our voice being heard, have come before your feet; and we pray God, the bountiful giver, on our behalf to reward your serenity and the God-loving queen with good gifts from on high, and to bestow peace and tranquillity upon you, and to set every rebellious people as a stool beneath your feet.
"However, now that we have come, we present a supplication to your peacefulnesses containing our true faith, not wishing to hold an argument with any man on any matter that is not profitable, as it is written,83 lest we annoy your ears; for it is very hard for a man to convince persons of a contentious disposition, although he make the truth manifest. And so, as we have said, we refuse to engage in a dispute with the contentious, who will not receive instructors; for our master |248 the apostle said, 'We have no such custom, neither the Churches of God.' 84
And so, as we have said, we refuse to engage in a dispute with the contentious, who will not receive instructors; for our master |248 the apostle said, 'We have no such custom, neither the Churches of God. ' 84
"Accordingly, victorious king, we do now also declare the freedom of our faith, although in the desert, when we received your edict at the hands of Theodotus the duke, we wrote and declared what we think, and your Majesties gave us a message of truth free from affliction in that you were graciously moved and summoned us to your presence. And, since we have been judged worthy of the mercies of God, we do in this supplication inform your orthodoxies that by the grace of God we have from our earliest infancy received the faith of the apostles, and have been brought up in it and with it, and we think and believe even as our three hundred and eighteen God-inspired holy fathers, who drew up the faith of life and salvation, which was confirmed by our one hundred and fifty holy fathers who once met here, and ratified by the pious bishops who assembled at Ephesus and rejected the impious Nestorius. And so in this faith of the apostles we have been baptized and do baptize, and this saving knowledge is grounded in our hearts, and this same doctrine alone we recognise as a rule in the faith, and beyond it we receive no other; because it is perfect in all points, and it does not grow old nor need renovation.
"Now we acknowledge a worshipful and holy Trinity of one nature, power, and honour, which is made known in three persons; for we worship the Father and His only Son, God the Word, Who was begotten of Him eternally beyond all times, and is with Him always without variation, and 'the Holy Spirit, which proceeds from the Father, and is of the nature of the Father and of the Son. One of the persons of this holy Trinity, that is, God the Word, we say by the will of the Father in the last days for the salvation of men took flesh of the Holy Spirit and of the holy Virgin the Theotokos Mary in a body endowed with a rational and intellectual soul, passible after our nature, and became man, |249 and was not changed from that which He was. And so we confess that, while in the Godhead He was of the nature of the Father, He was also of our nature in the manhood. Accordingly He Who is the perfect Word, the invariable Son of God, became perfect man, and left nothing wanting for us in respect of our salvation, as the foolish Apollinaris said, saying that the Humanisation of God the Word was not perfect, and deprives us, according to his opinion, of things that are of prime importance in our salvation. For, if our intellect was not united with Him, as he absurdly says, then we are not saved, and in the matter of salvation have fallen short of that which is of the highest consequence for us. But these things are not as he said; for the perfect God for our sake became perfect man without variation, and God the Word did not leave anything wanting in the Humanisation, as we have said, nor yet was it a phantom of Him, as the impious Mani supposes, and the erring Eutyches.
"And, since Christ is truth and does not know how to lie and does not deceive, because He is God, therefore God the Word truly became incarnate, in truth again, and not in semblance, with natural and innocent passions, because of His own will He for our sake among the things which He took upon Himself in the passible flesh of our nature of His own will endured also our death, which He made life for us by a Resurrection befitting God, for he first restored incorruption and immortality to human nature.
"And, indeed, as God the Word left nothing wanting and was not phantasmal in the Incarnation and Humanisation, so He did not divide it into two persons and two natures according to the doctrine introduced by Nestorius the man-worshipper and those who formerly thought like him, and those who in our day so think.
"And the faith contained in your confession refutes the doctrine of these men and contends with it, because in your |250 earnestness you said thus : 'God appeared, Who became incarnate. He is in all points like the Father except the individuality of His Father. He became a sharer of our nature, and was called Son of Man. Being one and the same, God and man, He showed Himself to us, and was born as a babe for our sake; and, being God, He for men and for the sake of their salvation became man.' 85
"If those who dispute with us adhered to these things in truth and were not content to hold them in appearance only, but rather consented to believe as we do and you do and as our holy God-inspired fathers did, they would have abstained from this stirring of strife. For that Christ was joined by composition, and that God the Word is joined by composition with a body endowed with a rational and intellectual soul the all-wise doctors of the Church have plainly stated. Dionysius, who from the Areopagus and from the darkness and error of heathendom attained to the supreme light of the knowledge of God through our master Paul, in the treatise which he composed about the divine names of the Holy Trinity says, 'Praising it as kindly, we say, as is right, that it is kindly, because it in truth partook perfectly of our attributes in one of its persons, drawing to itself and raising- the lowliness of our manhood, out of which the simple Jesus became joined by. composition in a manner that cannot be described; and He who was from eternity and beyond all times took upon Him a temporal existence, and He who was raised and exalted above all orders and natures became in the likeness of our nature without variation and confusion.'86 And Athanasius again in the treatise upon the faith named the unity of God the Word with soul-possessing flesh a composition, speaking thus : 'What is the relationship to the unbelief of those who |251 call it an indwelling instead of an Incarnation, and instead of a union and composition a human energy? ' 87
"If, therefore, according to our holy fathers, whom your peacefulnesses have followed, God the Word, who was before simple and not composite, became incarnate of the Virgin, the Theotokos Mary, and united soul-possessing and intellectual flesh to Himself personally and made it His own and was joined with it by composition in the dispensation, it is manifest that according to our fathers we ought to confess one nature of God the Word, who took flesh and became perfectly man. Accordingly God the Word, who was before simple, is not recognised to have become composite in a body, if He is again divided after the union by being called two natures. But, just as an ordinary man, who is made up of various natures, soul and body and so forth, is not divided into two natures because a soul has been joined by composition with a body to make up the one nature and person of a man, so also God the Word, who was personally united and joined by composition with soul-possessing flesh, is not divided into or in two natures because of His union and composition with a body. For according to the words of our fathers, whom the fear of God that is in you has followed, God the Word, Who was formerly simple, consented for our sake to be united by composition with soul-possessing and intellectual flesh and without change to become man. Accordingly one nature and person of God the Word, Who took flesh, is glorified, and there is one energy of the Word of God which is made known, which is exalted and glorious and fitting for God, and is also lowly and human. How is it that some are not corrected?"
And they are urgent and refuse to accept what Leo wrote in the Tome in opposition to these things, he and those of his opinions; and they produced quotations from him, and from |252 Nestorius and Theodore and Diodorus and Theodoret and the Synod of Chalcedon, who speak of two natures after the Incarnation of God the Word, and two persons; and they provided a copious refutation of these with proofs drawn from the fathers who have at various times held opinions contrary to these and taught one nature and person in the Church, saying that God the Word was in truth humanised without change and became perfect man, and the same remained perfect God, besides things which I forbear to record here on account of their length, and because they were everywhere to be found in works against the Diphysites.
"
And they are urgent and refuse to accept what Leo wrote in the Tome in opposition to these things, he and those of his opinions; and they produced quotations from him, and from |252 Nestorius and Theodore and Diodorus and Theodoret and the Synod of Chalcedon, who speak of two natures after the Incarnation of God the Word, and two persons; and they provided a copious refutation of these with proofs drawn from the fathers who have at various times held opinions contrary to these and taught one nature and person in the Church, saying that God the Word was in truth humanised without change and became perfect man, and the same remained perfect God, besides things which I forbear to record here on account of their length, and because they were everywhere to be found in works against the Diphysites.
And at the end of their petition they said thus: "And for this reason we do not accept either the Tome or the definition of Chalcedon, O victorious king, because we keep the canon and law of our fathers who assembled at Ephesus and anathematised and deprived Nestorius and excommunicated any who should presume to compose any other definition of faith besides that of Nicaea, which was correctly and believingly laid down by the Holy Spirit. These we reject and anathematise. And this definition and canon those who assembled at Chalcedon deliberately set at naught and transgressed, as they state in the Acts of that Synod;88 and they are subject to punishment and blame from our holy fathers in that they have introduced a new definition of faith, which is contrary to the truth of the doctrine of those who from time to time have been after a pure manner doctors of the Church, who, we believe, are now also entreating Christ with us, that you may aid the truth of their faith, honouring the contests undergone by their priesthoods, by which the Church has been exalted and glorified. For thus shall peace reign in your reign by the power of the right hand of God Almighty, to whom we pray on your behalf that without toil or struggle in arms He will set your enemies as a stool beneath your feet." And, when the letter of defence for the faith, as given |253 above, had been presented to the king and been read, and many words had been spoken during the no small space of one year and more by the believing bishops who had come thither to the royal city by the king's command, as recorded above, with whom was the learned John the archimandrite, the son of Aphthonia, (and he wrote a record of the discussions), the king would not banish the Synod of Chalcedon from the Church, while he summoned by letter the holy Severus the chief priest, who was hiding in various places. And, since he rejected the king's request and refused to come to him, the believing bishops who were in Constantinople returned each one of them to any place he chose to hide himself, according as he judged convenient for him.
And 89 then after a time, in the year thirteen,90 after many letters from the king, the holy Severus also came to him and was received, and he was in the palace till March of the year fourteen,91 while the Diphysite bishops everywhere were disturbed and annoyed and also alarmed, and especially Ephraim of Antioch, until in their anxiety they stirred up Agapetus, chief priest of Rome, who shared their opinions, and invited and brought him to the royal city. Moreover, how it came about and what happened will be made known in a chapter which I am going to write below.
The end of the petition contained in the fifteenth [chapter]92 concerning the monks who assembled at Constantinople.93 |254
CHAPTER XVI
> THE SIXTEENTH CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK TREATS OF THE DEFENCE, WHICH SEVERUS, WHEN REFUSING TO COME TO THE ROYAL CITY, WROTE IN AN EPISTLE TO THE KING, AS FOLLOWS
The end of the petition contained in the fifteenth [chapter]92 concerning the monks who assembled at Constantinople. 93 |254
CHAPTER XVI
> THE SIXTEENTH CHAPTER OF THE NINTH BOOK TREATS OF THE DEFENCE, WHICH SEVERUS, WHEN REFUSING TO COME TO THE ROYAL CITY, WROTE IN AN EPISTLE TO THE KING, AS FOLLOWS
"The 94 eternal Word of the Father, the Son of God, Who had in the end taken flesh and was not changed, and, moreover, became perfectly man by the Holy Spirit and Mary the holy Virgin, the Theotokos, and in everything was truly made like unto us except sin, fulfilling the teaching of salvation in parables, [sowed] the seed from it in His disciples, that they too and all throughout the whole world who by their means received the word, if anything that was good sprang up from it in the way of righteousness and pious deeds, might ascribe this not to themselves but to the power of that which He sowed in the beginning, as by grace, and, when among valleys and boulders and stone rocks in the wilderness, might with loud and strong voices cry out, making utterance. Similarly, therefore, has your serene Mightiness also sown the seed of kindliness that is in my vileness, and has caused this letter to spring forth from me; not as the offspring of presumption, for how was it possible that in answer to the powerful and strong voice of your Majesty, which reached my ears, an utterance should not be emitted by me? For, when those who bitterly despised my vileness thought that they had everywhere shut the doors in my face without mercy, then indeed, as by an unexpected miracle, you by your letter summon me to yourself, me, a man who am, as it were, driven about and banished by enemies. And this same thing is like God, who to them that were pursued by foemen, when they thought themselves |255 shut in and caught by them, provided a broad way of safety, worthy of His wisdom and His great might; a way which worked a miracle upon Far'oh, who had let them go after their long time of subjection, and again pursued after them to bring them into subjection to his. hard yoke, and with his horsemen surrounded them in the wilderness of the Sea of Rushes and barred the way, thinking in his heart and saying, 'These men are entangled in the land, for the wilderness hath shut them in."95 But the marvellous God to those who thought themselves hemmed in by warriors made a way of grace over the sea dry, that they might cross it on foot; who commanded Moses to raise his staff over the sea and cause it to be divided. And so in close resemblance to these things you also with your Majesty's wand of peace have divided the sea in the wilderness which hemmed me in; and the way which, it was thought, could not be traversed you have again caused to be traversed by me.
"And it is a great proof of your gentleness that you unhesitatingly indited your letter to me even with oaths, promising me immunity from injury; in this also after the manner of God, because He too, condescending to the weakness of men, oftentimes sent forth His promises with oaths, as Scripture teaches, and Paul made mention of it, saying, 'When God made promise to Abraham, because He had none greater than Himself by whom He could swear, He sware by Himself and said, "Blessing, I will bless thee; and multiplying, I will multiply thee."'96 But I, the vile one, am bold to say that I was in no need of such security, since I trust the word that comes out of your mouth only, believing it to be a perfect safeguard to me, even as the wise Koheleth said, 'Observe the mouth of the king, and be not anxious in regard to the word of the oaths of God.'97 But I have confidence in the test which springs from the deeds which in truth bear witness more than oaths to your peacefulness as well as to your inclination to the mercies which belong to a gentle |256 soul. For, as soon as you have taken upon yourself the cares of the kingdom, you release from sorrow all classes of men sentenced to exile, chief priests and magnates and common people, having regard to that which is equally esteemed by all men, the light of the sun, and rain, and the temperate air which it brings, and the other things which are required for and conduce to the life of men.