10. And the members of the party of Gainas assembled in the church in the city of Dafâshîr near the bridge of the Apostle S. Peter. Now Cyrus the patriarch had robbed the church of large possessions in the time of the persecution, without any authorization on the part of the magistrates. 11. And when the Gainites sought to lay hands on the patriarch Cyrus, Eudocianus, the brother of the prefect Domentianus, being immediately apprised (of their purpose), sent troops against them to shoot them with arrows and prevent them from carrying out their intention. Some of them were so severely smitten that they died, while two had their hands cut off without legal sentence. 12. And proclamation was made throughout the city by the voice of a herald in these terms: 'Let every one of you withdraw to his own church, and let no one do any violence to his neighbour in defiance of the law.' 13. But God, the Guardian of justice, did not neglect the world, but avenged those who had been wronged : He had no mercy on such as had dealt treacherously against Him, but He delivered them into the hands of the Ishmaelites. 14. And the Moslem thereupon took the field and conquered all the land of Egypt. And after the death of Heraclius, the patriarch Cyrus on his return did not cease (his) severities and persecution against the people of God, but rather added violence to violence.
CHAPTER CXVII. 1. And 'Amr the chief of the Moslem forces encamped before the citadel of Babylon and besieged the troops that garrisoned it. 2. Now the latter received his promise that they should not be put to the sword, and on their side undertook to deliver up to him all the munitions of war—now these were |187 considerable. 3. And thereupon he ordered them to evacuate the citadel. And they took a small quantity of gold and set out. And it was in this way that the citadel of Babylon in Egypt was taken on the second day after the (festival of the) Resurrection. 4. Thus God punished them because they had not honoured the redemptive passion of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, who gave His life for those who believe in Him. Yea, it was for this reason that God made them turn their back upon them (i. e. the Moslem). 5. Now on that day of the festival of the holy Resurrection they released the orthodox that were in prison; but, enemies of Christ as they were, they did not let them go without first ill-using them; but they scourged them and cut off their hands. 6. And on that day these (unhappy ones) wept and their tears poured down their faces and they were spurned, even as it is written regarding those unclean persons: 'They have defiled the Church by an unclean faith, and they have wrought apostasies and deeds of violence like the sect of the Arians, such as neither pagan nor barbarian has wrought, and they have despised Christ and His servants, and we have not found any that do the like amongst the worshippers of false idols. 7. But God has been patient with the apostates and heretics who have undergone baptism a second time in submission to despotic emperors. Yet it is the same God who recompenses every man according to his deeds and does justice to him that has been wronged. 8. How then, is it not far better for us to endure patiently the trials and punishments which they inflict upon us ? They indeed think to honour our Lord Christ by so doing, whereas they are found to be perverted in their faith. They have not indeed voluntarily apostatized, but they persecute those who agree not with them in faith. God forbid (such agreement) ! for they are not servants of Christ: yet they think they are such in their thoughts.'
CHAPTER CXVIII. 1. Now the capture of the citadel of Babylon and of Nakius by the Moslem was a source of great grief to the Romans. 2. And when 'Amr had brought to a close the operations of war he made his entry into the citadel of Babylon, and he mustered a large number of ships, great and small, and anchored them close to the fort where he was.
'
CHAPTER CXVIII. 1. Now the capture of the citadel of Babylon and of Nakius by the Moslem was a source of great grief to the Romans. 2. And when 'Amr had brought to a close the operations of war he made his entry into the citadel of Babylon, and he mustered a large number of ships, great and small, and anchored them close to the fort where he was.
3. And Menas, who was chief of the Green Faction, and Cosmas the son of Samuel, the leader of the Blues, besieged the city of Misr and |188 harassed the Romans during the days of the Moslem. And fighting men had gone up with fear-inspiring boldness from the western bank of the river in ships, and these made expeditions by night.
4. 'Amr and the Moslem army, on horseback, proceeded by land till they came to the city of Kebrias of Abâdjâ. And on this occasion he attacked the general Domentianus. 5. But when the latter learnt of the approach of the Moslem troops, he embarked on a ship and fled [in a ship] and abandoned the army and their fleet. And he sought to enter the small canal which Heraclius had dug during his reign. But finding it closed he returned and entered the city of Alexandria. 6. Now when the soldiers saw that their commander had taken flight, they cast away their arms and threw themselves into the river in the presence of their enemies. 7. And the Moslem troops slaughtered them with the sword in the river, and none escaped save one man only, named Zechariah, a doughty man and a warrior. 8. And when the crews of the ships saw the flight of the troops, they too took to flight and returned to their own country. And thereupon the Moslem made their entry into Nakius, and took possession, and finding no soldiers (to offer resistance), they proceeded to put to the sword all whom they found in the streets and in the churches, men, women, and infants, and they showed mercy to none. 9. And after they had captured (this) city, they marched against other localities and sacked them and put all they found to the sword. And they came also to the city of +Sa+,297 and there they found Esqutaws and his people in a vineyard, and the Moslem seized them and put them to the sword. Now these were of the family of the general Theodore. 10. Let us now cease, for it is impossible to recount the iniquities perpetrated by the Moslem after their capture of the island of Nakius, on Sunday, the eighteenth day of the month Genbôt,298 in the fifteenth year of the cycle, and also the horrors committed in the city of Caesarea in Palestine.
11. And the general Theodore, who was in command of the city, even the city of Kîlûnâs, quitted (this) city and proceeded to Egypt, leaving Stephen with the troops to guard the city and |189 contend with the Moslem. 12. And there was a certain Jew with the Moslem, and he betook himself to the province of Egypt. And when with great toil and exertion they had cast down the walls of the city, they forthwith made themselves masters of it, and put to the sword thousands of its inhabitants and of the soldiers, and they gained an enormous booty, and took the women and children captive and divided them amongst themselves, and they made that city a desolation (lit. destitute). 13. And shortly after the Moslem proceeded against the country (city?) of +Côprôs+ and put Stephen and his people to the sword.
CHAPTER CXIX. 1. And Egypt also had become enslaved to Satan. A great strife had broken out between the inhabitants of Lower Egypt, and these were divided into two parties. Of these, one sided with Theodore, but the other wished to join the Moslem. 2. And straightway the one party rose against the other, and they plundered their possessions and burnt their city. But the Moslem distrusted them.
3. And 'Amr sent a large force of Moslem against Alexandria, and they captured Kariun, which lies outside the city. And Theodore and his troops who were in that locality fled and withdrew into Alexandria. 4. And the Moslem began to attack them but were not able to approach the walls of the city; for stones were hurled against them from the top of the walls, and they were driven far from the city.
5. And the inhabitants of Misr were at variance with those of Lower Egypt, and their strife ran high, but after a short time they made peace. 6. But when their discord came to an end, Satan stirred up another in the city of Alexandria; for Domentianus the prefect and Menas the general were at variance with each other through lust for office and other motives. 7. Now the general Theodore took the side of Menas: he was moreover hostile to Domentianus because of his flight from Nakius and his abandonment of the troops. 8. And with Eudocianus, the elder brother of Domentianus, Menas was very wroth, because he had practised cruelties against the Christians during the season of the holy Passion in regard to the faith. 9. And Domentianus mustered a large force of the 'Blues'. And when Menas was apprised of this movement, he too mustered a large force of the 'Greens' and of the troops in the city. And thus these two kept up their hostility. |190 10. It was subsequently to this that Philiades the prefect of the province of Arcadia arrived. Now Domentianus had become the foe of Cyrus the patriarch, and he showed him ill will, though he was his brother-in-law, and though previously they had been mutual friends. But subsequently he came to hate him without any good ground. 11. And Menas also who cherished a spiritual friendship for Philiades and was not neglectful of him but invited him frequently out of respect for the priesthood ; for Philiades was the brother of the patriarch George. Now (Menas) was merciful and Godfearing and was grieved on behalf of those that were oppressed. But Philiades was not loyal in friendship, but acted unjustly, (and) cherished in secret evil designs. 12. Now in the days of the general Theodore, when a discussion was raised regarding the city named Mâmûnâ, and regarding the pay of the troops and the lands on which it should be levied, this wicked man straightway spake and said: 'In place of twelve men, it will be better to have one; then there will be one man to receive pay instead of twelve, and so the tax in kind and the pay of the troops will be lessened.' And in this incident Menas found an occasion against Domentianus. 13. And all the troops loved and trusted him : for Menas loved the esteem of all men—not in order to receive idle praise, but by reason of his wisdom and modesty. 14. Now while he was present in the great church of Caesarion with all the people, all the inhabitants of the city gathered together against Philiades and sought to put him to death. But he took to flight and hid himself in a church. 15. And straightway the people proceeded to his dwelling and burnt it, and pillaged all his property, but they spared such persons as they found in the house, and did not slay them. 16. And when Domentianus was apprised (of these events) he sent a body of the 'Blues' to attack them. And a great strife ensued amongst them, and six men were killed and many wounded. 17. And with great efforts and exertions Theodore established peace amongst them. And he deposed the general Domentianus, and appointed Artana chief of ten orders, who is named a decurion. And all the property which had been carried off as pillage from the house of Philiades was returned to him. It has been said that this strife and tumult originated in religious dissensions. |191
18. And after the death of Constantine, the son of Heraclius, they brought forward Heraclius, his brother on his father's side, though but an infant. But his accession to the empire was as idle as had been that of his brother who died. 19. And the patriarch Pyrrhus, seeing that Heraclius, who was still a child, had become emperor through the intrigues of Martina his mother, whilst he Pyrrhus was still in exile299 . . . . 20. And after his accession to the empire he recalled Pyrrhus from exile by the advice of the Senate, and abolished the penal decree issued by his brother Constantine and his imperial predecessors; for they abolished it because of the unjust accusation of Philagrius the treasurer. 21. And it was through his agency that the churches were in tribulation: for he put an end to the gifts which the emperors were accustomed to make, and he confirmed the heavy charges (that were upon them).
22. And subsequently he appointed him (Cyrus) a second time to the city of Alexandria) and the priests who were with him. He gave him power and authority to make peace with the Moslem and check any further resistance against them, and to establish a system of administration suitable to the government of the land of Egypt. And he was accompanied by Constantine, a general of the army, who was master of the local levies. 23. And he had the army from the province of Thrace brought to the city of Constantinople, and he banished Philagrius the treasurer to the province of Africa where Pyrrhus had previously been in banishment. 24. And there were great dissensions, and the inhabitants of the city rose up against Martina and her children because of the banishment of Philagrius the treasurer; for he was greatly beloved.
CHAPTER CXX. 1. Now not only Cyrus the Chalcedonian patriarch desired peace with the Moslem, but also all the people and the patricians and Domentianus, who had enjoyed the favour of the empress Martina—(and so) all these assembled and took counsel with Cyrus the patriarch with a view to making peace with the Moslem. 2. And all the clergy began to stir up odium against the empire of Heraclius the younger, declaring: 'It is not fitting that one derived from a reprobate seed should sit on the imperial throne: rather it is the sons of Constantine, who was the son of Eudocia, |192 that should bear sway over the empire.' And they rejected the will of the elder Heraclius.
2. And all the clergy began to stir up odium against the empire of Heraclius the younger, declaring: 'It is not fitting that one derived from a reprobate seed should sit on the imperial throne: rather it is the sons of Constantine, who was the son of Eudocia, |192 that should bear sway over the empire. ' And they rejected the will of the elder Heraclius.
3. And when Valentinus was apprised that all men were united against Martina and her sons, he took large sums of money out of the treasury of Philagrius, and distributed them amongst the soldiers and officers, and prevailed on them to act against Martina and her sons. 4. And some of them gave over warring against the Moslem, and turned their hostilities against their own countrymen. 5. And thereupon they sent an envoy secretly to the island of Rhodes with this message to the troops with the patriarch Cyrus: 'Return to the imperial city and do not take sides with him.' 6. And they sent also to Theodore, the prefect of Alexandria, the following message: 'Do not hearken to the voice of Martina, and do not obey her sons.' And they sent likewise to Africa, and to every province under the sway of Rome.
7. And when Theodore the general heard this news, he was pleased and kept the matter secret, and set out by night without the cognizance of any, and purposed proceeding from the island of Rhodes to Pentapolis, and he told only the captain of the ship. 8. But the captain of the ship alleged (that he could not), saying: 'The wind is contrary to us.' And he entered Alexandria on the night of the seventeenth day of Maskaram,300 on the day of the festival of the Holy Cross. 9. And all the inhabitants of Alexandria, men and women, old and young, gathered together to meet the patriarch Cyrus, rejoicing and giving thanks for the arrival of the patriarch of Alexandria. 10. And Theodore betook himself secretly with the patriarch to the Church of the monks of Tabenna and closed the door. And he sent for Mînâs and appointed him general, and banished Domentianus from the city. And all the inhabitants cried out: '(Begone) from the city.'
11. Now before the arrival of Cyrus the patriarch, George had been highly esteemed by the governor Anastasius; for he had received the dignity from Heraclius the younger (?), and, when he was advanced in years, he enjoyed universal authority: even the patriarch suffered him to enjoy his authority.
And all the inhabitants cried out: '(Begone) from the city. '
11. Now before the arrival of Cyrus the patriarch, George had been highly esteemed by the governor Anastasius; for he had received the dignity from Heraclius the younger (? ), and, when he was advanced in years, he enjoyed universal authority: even the patriarch suffered him to enjoy his authority.
12. And when the patriarch Cyrus came to the great church of Caesarion, they covered all the way (with carpets) and chanted hymns |193 in his honour (and the crowds increased) till the people trod each other down. And after great exertions they brought him to the Church. 13. Now he extolled highly the well in which the Holy Cross had been found. And he took also (to the Caesarion) the venerable cross from the Convent of the monks of Tabenna which he had received previously to his exile from the general John.301 14. And when they began to celebrate divine service on the day of the holy Resurrection, instead of chanting the psalm proper to the day of the Resurrection, which is: 'This is the day which the Lord has made; we will rejoice and be glad in it',302 the deacon, desiring to praise the patriarch and to congratulate him on his return, gave out another psalm that was not proper (to the day). 15. And when the people heard it, they said : 'This is not the proper psalm : it is an evil augury for the patriarch Cyrus: he will not see a second festival of the Resurrection in the city of Alexandria.' 16. And all the congregation and the monks made predictions after this fashion in public: 'He has acted contrary to what is ordained in the Canons.' But none who heard any of these sayings believed them.
17. And subsequently the patriarch Cyrus set out and went to Babylon to the Moslem, seeking by the offer of tribute to procure peace from them and put a stop to war in the land of Egypt. And 'Amr welcomed his arrival, and said unto him: 'Thou hast done well to come to us.' And Cyrus answered and said unto him : 'God has delivered this land into your hands : let there be no enmity from henceforth between you and Rome : heretofore there has been no persistent strife with you.' 18. And they fixed the amount of tribute to be paid. And as for the Ishmaelites, they were not to intervene in any matter, but were to keep to themselves for eleven months. The Roman troops in Alexandria were to carry off their possessions and their treasures and proceed (home) by sea, and no other Roman army was to return. But those who wished to journey by land were to pay a monthly (?) tribute. 19. And the Moslem were to take as hostages one hundred and fifty soldiers and fifty civilians and make peace. |194 20. And the Romans were to cease warring against the Moslem, and the Moslem were to desist from seizing Christian Churches, and the latter were not to intermeddle with any concerns of the Christians. 21. And the Jews were to be permitted to remain in the city of Alexandria.
22. And when the patriarch had concluded this negotiation, he returned to the city of Alexandria, and he reported to Theodore and the general Constantine (the conditions of peace), to the intent that they should report them to the emperor Heraclius and support them before him. 23. And straightway all the troops and the people of Alexandria and the general Theodore came together to him and paid their homage to the patriarch Cyrus. And he acquainted them with all the conditions which he had made with the Moslem, and he persuaded them all to accept them. 24. And while things were in this condition, the Moslem came to receive the tribute, though the inhabitants of Alexandria had not yet been informed (of the treaty). And the Alexandrians, on seeing them, made ready for battle. 25. But the troops and the generals held fast to the resolution they had adopted, and said: 'We cannot engage in battle with the Moslem: rather let the counsel of the patriarch Cyrus be observed.' 26. Then the population rose up against the patriarch and sought to stone him. But he said unto them: 'I have made this treaty in order to save you and your children.' And plunged in much weeping and grief he besought them. 27. And thereupon the Alexandrians felt ashamed before him, and offered him a large sum of gold to hand over to the Ishmaelites together with the tribute which had been imposed on them.
28. And the Egyptians, who, through fear of the Moslem, had fled and taken refuge in the city of Alexandria, made the following request to the patriarch : 'Get the Moslem.to promise that we may return to our cities and become their subjects. And he negotiated for them according to their request. And the Moslem took possession of all the land of Egypt, southern and northern, and trebled their taxes.
28. And the Egyptians, who, through fear of the Moslem, had fled and taken refuge in the city of Alexandria, made the following request to the patriarch : 'Get the Moslem. to promise that we may return to our cities and become their subjects. And he negotiated for them according to their request. And the Moslem took possession of all the land of Egypt, southern and northern, and trebled their taxes.
29. Now there was a man named Menas, who had been appointed prefect of Lower Egypt by the emperor Heraclius : he was a presumptuous man, unlettered and a deep hater of the Egyptians. Now after the Moslem had got possession of all the country, they |195 established him in his (former) dignity: and a man named Sînôdâ they appointed prefect of the province of Rîf: and another named Philoxenus as prefect of the province of Arcadia, that is, Fajum. 30. Now these three men loved the heathen but hated the Christians, and compelled the Christians to carry fodder for the cattle, and they forced them to + carry +303 milk, and honey, and fruit and leeks, and other things in abundance: Now all these were in addition to the ordinary rations. 31. (The Egyptians) carried out these orders under the constraint of an unceasing fear. (The Moslem) forced them to excavate (anew) the canal of Trajan, which had been destroyed for a long time, in order to conduct water through it from Babylon in Egypt to the Red Sea. 32. And the yoke they laid on the Egyptians was heavier than the yoke which had been laid on Israel by Pharaoh, whom God judged with a, righteous judgement, by drowning him in the Red Sea with all his army after the many plagues wherewith He had plagued both men and cattle. 33. When God's judgement lights upon these Ishmaelites may He do unto them as He did aforetime unto Pharaoh ! But it is because of our sins that He has suffered them to deal thus with us. Yet in His longsuffering our God and Saviour Jesus Christ will look upon us and protect us: and we also trust that He will destroy the enemies of the Cross, as saith the book which lies not.
34. And 'Amr subdued the land of Egypt and sent his men to war against the inhabitants of Pentapolis. And after he had subdued them, he did not permit them to dwell there. And he took from thence plunder and captives in abundance. 35. And Abûljânôs the prefect of Pentapolis and his troops and the rich men of the province withdrew into the city of Dûshera—now its walls were strongly fortified—and they closed the gates. So the Moslem after seizing plunder and captives retired to their own country.
36. Now the patriarch Cyrus was greatly grieved on account of the calamities which had befallen the land of Egypt. For 'Amr had no mercy on the Egyptians, and did not observe the covenant they had made with him, for he was of a barbaric race. 37. And on the festival of Palm Sunday the patriarch Cyrus fell ill of a fever owing to excessive grief, and he died on the fifth day of |196 Holy Week, on the twenty-fifth of the month Magâbît.304 38. Thus he did not live to see the festival of the holy Resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ as the Christians had predicted regarding him. Now this event took place in the reign of the emperor Constantine the son of Heraclius (II).
39. And after his (Heraclius II) death the Romans were plunged in war on account of the sons of the empress Martina; for they had excluded them from the imperial throne, and wished to make the sons of Constantine emperors (in their stead). 40. And Valentine who was leagued with Philagrius assisted them. And he drew over all the troops and marched to the city of Chalcedon; for he thought and said : 'Martina's strength lies in the fighting men which are with her sons.' And he prevailed on all to consent to the recall of Philagrius from exile. 41. And thereupon Heraclius the younger embarked on the imperial ships, accompanied by a great number of priests and monks and illustrious bishops, and passed over to Chalcedon. 42. And he made the following appeal to all the troops : 'Abandon not the duty of Christian integrity by becoming hostile to me; but make peace with God, and comply with the will of my father Heraclius; for he laboured much on behalf of this country.' 43. Moreover he alleged that he would take unto him his brother's son and make him his colleague in the empire and there would no longer be war or bloodshed between them. And he received the assent of all the patricians and said unto them : 'I will bring back Philagrius from exile.' 44. And when Valentine learnt that all the people had submitted to him and received his words in peace, he took Domentianus and other patricians with him and placed the imperial crown on the younger Constantine, one of the sons of Constantine, the son of Heraclius the elder, whom Heracleonas had taken unto him (as colleague). And all the people dispersed without strife. 45. But they (the rebels) did not suffer this peace to be permanent. Shortly after they had raised Constantine to the imperial throne, the hatred of the two emperors grew in strength, that is, of Heraclius II and Constantine the younger. For Satan sowed dissensions between Heraclius II and the army. 46. And straightway the troops in the province of Cappadocia began to commit atrocities : moreover they produced |197 a letter to the following effect: 'This letter was sent by Martına and Pyrrhus the patriarch of Constantinople to David the Ma-targuem (urging him) to make a vigorous war, and to take Martina to be his wife, and to put down the sons of Constantine (III), who had been emperor with Heraclius (II) his brother.' 305
47. And when the inhabitants of Byzantium heard this news, they said: 'This project is concerned with Kubratos, chief of the Huns, the nephew of Organa, who was baptized in the city of Constantinople, and received into the Christian community in his childhood and had grown up in the imperial palace.' 48, And between him and the elder Heraclius great affection and peace had prevailed, and after Heraclius's death he had shown his affection to his sons and his wife Martina because of the kindness (Heraclius) had shown him. 49. And after he had been baptized with life-giving baptism he overcame all the barbarians and heathens through Virtue of holy baptism. Now touching him it is said that he supported the interests of the children of Heraclius and opposed those of Constantine. 50. And in consequence of this evil report all the soldiers in Constantinople and the people rose up, and Jûtâlîjûs, the son of Constantine, named Theodore became the chief of their forces. And he was a doughty warrior like his father. 51. And when they had made preparations to fight with David the Matarguem, the latter fled and took refuge in a fortress of Armenia. And (Jûtâlıjûs) pursued him and, since none could render him aid, cut off his head and had it sent round all the cities of the east. 52. And next he marched with a large force to the city of Byzantium and he captured the palace, and he had Martina and her three sons, Heraclius, David, and Marinus, escorted forth with insolence, and he stripped them of the imperial crown, and he had their noses cut off, and he sent them in exile to Rhodes. 53. And the patriarch Pyrrhus was deposed without having recourse to a council, and he was removed from the Church and sent in banishment to Tripoli where Philagrius was. And Philagrius indeed was brought back from banishment. 54. And the youngest son of Martina was castrated, through fear, as they said, of his becoming emperor when he grew up. But the child could not endure the great wound, and straightway died. And the second of her sons was a deaf-mute, and so was unfit for the throne. For |198 this reason they did him no injury. 55. And they set at naught the will of Heraclius the elder, and they made Constans, the son of Constantine, emperor. And they appointed Paul of the city of Constantinople in the room of the patriarch Pyrrhus.
56. (All these events) and the separation of Egypt and Alexandria during the reign of Heraclius the emperor of the Chalcedonians (fell out) as they are recorded in the letters of the great Severus the patriarch of Antioch, which he wrote to the Patrician in the reign of the emperor Anastasius, wherein he prophesied against the Roman empire in these terms: 'No son shall sit on his father's throne so long as the creed of the Chalcedonians prevails, who say that there were two natures in Christ after they became one, a creed which we cannot profess. Their doctrine that the manhood and the Godhead are two distinct natures after having become united, we believers cannot teach. It is not fitting that we should speak as the heretics.' 57. Or according to the statement of Gregory: 'We recognize God the Word to be of one nature derived from two. For God was united to the flesh and became one Substance. The Godhead indeed is not converted into the manhood, nor the manhood into the other nature, but the Word which became flesh had become unchangeable, and no change can affect the Word. But the Word which has become flesh is one divine Substance. 58. But this union is a marvel. That which is invisible has become visible: the Creator has been born and we have seen Him : He has healed us by His wounds!' 59. But we should cease giving citations from the words of the illustrious Fathers of the Church, who have been learned in investigation: for the Romans do not believe in aught now save the Passion. 60. But for those who welcome the flavour of true knowledge I will set it forth briefly. When they rejected the orthodox faith, which is our faith, in like manner were they rejected from the imperial throne. And there has followed the undoing of all Christians that are in the world, and we have not experienced the mercy and compassion of our Lord Jesus Christ.
61. And in those days there arose great troubles through Valentine; for he had assumed the imperial robes and sought to make himself emperor. But when the people of Constantinople heard, they arose against him, and straightway he put off the (imperial) robes. 62. And forthwith they seized him and conducted him before the |199 emperor Constans. And he sware a terrible oath to this effect: 'I have not done this with any evil intent, hut in order to contend against the Moslem.' 63. And when they heard this statement, they set him free and made him commander-in-chief of the army, and arranged with him that he should give his daughter in marriage to the emperor. And on that occasion they had her proclaimed through the voice of the herald by the imperial name of Augusta.
64. And the evil-doer Valentine accused Arcadius the archbishop of the island of Cyprus. Now this man was an ascetic in purity of life, and well known (as such) unto all men. And (Valentin) said touching him: 'He was an ally of Martina and the patriarch Pyrrhus, and a foe of the new emperor Constans.' 65. And (the emperor), acting on this evil counsel, sent from Constantinople a numerous band of soldiers to fetch in great ignominy Arcadius the archbishop. But by the command of God he found (his) consummation and died after the manner of all men. 66. But Cyrus the Chalcedonian patriarch in Alexandria was excessively grieved when he heard (of these events)—the exile of Martina and her sons who had brought him back from exile, the deposition of Pyrrhus the patriarch of Constantinople, the restoration of Philagrius his enemy, the death of the archbishop Arcadius, and the triumph and power of Valentine. 67. And for these reasons he wept unceasingly; for he feared lest he should suffer the same fortune that had befallen him previously. And in the midst of this grief he died according to the law of nature. And, his chief grief was due to the Moslem, who had refused his request on behalf of the Egyptians. 68. And before he died he wrought the works of the apostates and persecuted the Christians; and for this reason God, the righteous Judge, punished him for the evils he had wrought.
69. And the general Valentine and his troops were not able to give any assistance to the Egyptians; but the latter, and particularly the Alexandrians, were very hard pressed by the Moslem. And they were not able to bear the tribute which was exacted from them. And the rich men of the city (country ?) concealed themselves ten months in the islands.
70. And, subsequently Theodore the governor and Constantine the commander-in-chief of the army, and the remaining troops, and likewise those which had been hostages in the hands of the |200 Moslem, set out and embarked, and came to Alexandria. 71. And after the festival of the Cross they appointed Peter the deacon to be patriarch on the twentieth of Hamle,306 on the festival of the holy Theodore the martyr, and placed him on the patriarchal throne.
72. On the twentieth of Maskaram,307 Theodore and all his troops and officers set out and proceeded to the island of Cyprus, and abandoned the city of Alexandria. And thereupon 'Amr the chief of the Moslem made his entry without effort into the city of Alexandria. And the inhabitants received him with respect; for they were in great tribulation and affliction.
CHAPTER CXXI. 1. And Abba Benjamin, the patriarch of the Egyptians, returned to the city of Alexandria in the thirteenth year after his flight from the Romans, and he went to the Churches, and inspected all of them. 2. And every one said : 'This expulsion (of the Romans) and victory of the Moslem is due to the wickedness of the emperor Heraclius and his persecution of the Orthodox through the patriarch Cyrus. This was the cause of the ruin of the Romans and the subjugation of Egypt by the Moslem.
3. And 'Amr became stronger every day in every field of his activity. And he exacted the taxes which had been determined upon, but he took none of the property of the Churches, and he committed no act of spoliation or plunder, and he preserved them throughout all his days. And when he seized the city of Alexandria, he had the canal drained in accordance with the instructions given by the apostate Theodore. 4. And he increased the taxes to the extent of twenty-two batr of gold till all the people hid themselves owing to the greatness of the tribulation, and could not find the wherewithal to pay. And in the second year of the lunar cycle came John of the city of Damietta.
5. He had been appointed by the governor Theodore, and had lent his aid to the Moslem in order to prevent their destruction of the city. Now he had been appointed prefect of the city of Alexandria when 'Amr entered it, And this John had compassion on the poor, and gave generously to them out of his possessions. And seeing their affliction he had mercy upon them, and wept over their lot. 6. 'Amr deposed Menas and appointed John in his stead. |201 Now this Menas had increased the taxes of the city, which 'Amr had fixed at 22,000 gold dinars, and the sum which the apostate Menas got together was 32,057 gold dinars—he appointed for the Moslem.308 7. And none could recount the mourning and lamentation which took place in that city: they even gave their children in exchange for the great sums which they had to pay monthly. And they had none to help them, and God destroyed their hopes, and delivered the Christians into the hands of their enemies. 8. But the strong beneficence of God will put to shame those who grieve us, and He will make His love for man to triumph over our sins, and bring to naught the evil purposes of those who afflict us, who would not that the King of Kings and Lord of Lords should reign over them, (even) Jesus Christ our true God. 9. As for those wicked slaves, He will destroy them in evil fashion: as saith the holy Gospel: 'As for Mine enemies who would not that I should reign over them, bring them unto Me.' 10. And now many of the Egyptians who had been false Christians denied the holy orthodox faith and lifegiving baptism, and embraced the religion of the Moslem, the enemies of God, and accepted the detestable doctrine of the beast, this is, Mohammed, and they erred together with those idolaters, and took arms in their hands and fought against the Christians. 11. And one of them, named John, the Chalcedonian of the Convent of Sinai, embraced the faith of Islam, and quitting his monk's habit he took up the sword, and persecuted the Christians who were faithful to our Lord Jesus Christ.
CHAPTER CXXII. 1. And now let us glorify our Lord Jesus Christ and bless His holy name at all times; for unto this hour He hath preserved us Christians from the errors of the erring heathen, and from the transgressions of the apostate heretics. 2. And may He also strengthen and help us to endure tribulation through hope in His divinity. And He will make us worthy to receive, with a face not put to shame, the inheritance of His eternal (and) incorruptible Kingdom in heaven. And (let us bless) His Father, (pre-eminently) good, and the Holy Lifegiving Spirit for ever and ever, Amen.
CHAPTER CXXIII. 1. (Herewith) ends this blessed book which John the rector bishop of Nikius composed for the profit of the soul. |202 Now it contains divine mysteries and heavenly marvels which have befallen apostates from the faith. 2. At one time the earth quaked on account of the denial (of the faith), and the great city of Nicaea was destroyed. At another it rained fire from heaven : at another the sun was darkened from the hour of dawn till evening. 3. On a certain occasion the rivers rose.and overwhelmed many cities ; while on another houses were overthrown and many men perished and went down to the depths of the earth. 4. And all these things fell out because they divided Christ into two natures, whilst some of them made Him (merely) a created being. 5. Also the Roman emperors lost the imperial crown, and the Ishmaelites and Chuzaeans won the mastery over them, because they did not walk in the orthodox faith of our Lord Jesus Christ, but divided the indivisible.
6. The transcription of this book began on the twenty-eighth day of Hamle, and was finished on Monday on the twenty-second day of Teqmet,309 at the sixth hour of the day, when the sun was in the sign of Scorpion, and the moon in the sign of Aquarius. 7. And the course of the sun was then in (its) 195th degree, and its zenith was at eighty-seven degrees thirty minutes. And the day was eleven hours, and the night thirteen. And the day increased and the night decreased daily by twenty minutes. 8. And the dominion of Elgufr from Manâzel was then, in the 7594th year of the world, the 1947th year of Alexander, the 1594th year of the Incarnation of our Lord Jesus Christ, the 1318th year of the Martyrs, the 980th year of Hagar according to the solar reckoning, but the 1010th year according to the lunar reckoning: four years seven months and eight days after the accession of Malak Sagad the younger, son of Malak Sagad the elder, who was named Jakob when he received the grace of baptism: eight years three months and five days after the accession of the Godloving queen Malak Môgasâ, who was named Mârjâm Sena on receiving the grace of baptism.
9. We have translated this book with great care from Arabic into Ge'ez, even poor I, the most worthless amongst men and the vilest amongst the people, and the deacon Gabriel the Egyptian, son of the martyr John Kolobos,310 by the order of Athanasius |203 commander-in-chief of the army of Ethiopia, and by the order of the queen Mârjâm Sena. 10. God grant that it may serve to the salvation of the soul and the preservation of the body. And praise be unto Him, who has given us power to begin and to finish (this work), for ever and ever. Amen and amen. So be it. So be it.
----------------------------------------
[Footnotes have been moved to the end. Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here. I have omitted large numbers of footnotes which consist of text in Ethiopic, or large chunks of Greek from John Malalas, or are otherwise of limited interest.]
1. 1 The text reads 'the Madabbar and Ascetic'. The meaning of Mastagaddal is doubtful here : it = a0qlhth&j in its literal sense, and next in its metaphorical one.
2. 1 I have necessarily changed the order of the text here.
3. 1 The Ethiopic is hopelessly corrupt here;= island of Lûnânjâ.
4. 2 Ethiopic = Lûbânijûn.
5. 1 Or, 'indeed'.
6. 2 Transposed to this clause.: it wrongly occurs in the clause, 'which he had taken from Egypt'.
7. 3 Text = Lûnjâ.
8. 4 Text = Helvîn (A, Helvân B).
9. 5 So MSS. But I emend [Ethiopic] into [Ethiopic] as in Chap. LVI, and translate 'and the courts'.
10. 1 Zotenberg has rightly restored [Ethiopic] here.
11. 2 A transliteration of an Arabic word; while the word rendered 'bridge'; [Ethiopic] is Amharic, though wrongly vocalized.
12. 1 The Ethiopic is very irregular here.
13. 2 The Ethiopic [Ethiopic] is owing to a faulty transcription of the Arabic, as Zotenberg points out.
14. 1 Text wholly corrupt. I have adopted Zotenberg's suggestion.
15. 1 Lit. 'cisterns' (or, 'wells') 'of the sepulchres'.
16. 2 Text quite corrupt = Anlejâ.
17. 1 Text ( = Yeftatâs) corrupt owing to a faulty transcription of a faulty Arabic form.
18. 1 Zotenberg does not attempt to translate this introduction, owing to certain obscurities and phrases the sense of which 'escapes' him 'completely'. I have only found it necessary to make one or two slight changes.
I have adopted Zotenberg's suggestion. 15. 1 Lit. 'cisterns' (or, 'wells') 'of the sepulchres'. 16. 2 Text quite corrupt = Anlejâ. 17. 1 Text ( = Yeftatâs) corrupt owing to a faulty transcription of a faulty Arabic form. 18. 1 Zotenberg does not attempt to translate this introduction, owing to certain obscurities and phrases the sense of which 'escapes' him 'completely'. I have only found it necessary to make one or two slight changes.
19. 2 This city was called Pshati by the Egyptians. Champollion (II. 164) identifies it with the ancient Prosopis. Next Pshati appeared in Arabic as Abshadi This form is reproduced, somewhat slightly changed, as Absâi or Absâdî in our text. In Greek the form was Niki/on. Bury calls my attention to Strabo, xvii. 1. 14 Niki/ou kw&mh : Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ix, no. 1219, p. 262 ei0j th_n Neiki/ou (third cent. A.D.) : Hierocles, Synecdemus (ed. Burckhardt, p. 44), Niki/ou (sixth cent. A.D.). In the Itinerarium Antonini 155 it appears as Nikiu (or Nicia or Nicium). In Arabic it was spelt Naqius or Niqius. For details on this important city see Champollion L'Égypte sous les Pharaons, ii. 162-71; Quatremère, Sur l'Égypte, i. 423-30.
20. 1 Cf. John of Antioch (Müller, Fragmenta Historicorum Graec. iv. 540) : [Greek]. Cf. also Cramer, Anec. Graec. Paris, ii. 242 : Kronos .. . Zeus, &c. These words are represented in the text by Zûhal, Mashtari, Marik, Zehra, 'Atard, which are Ethiopic transliterations of the Arabic names of these planets : [Arabic]
21. 2 And he composed . . . deluge. Though Zotenborg abandons the attempt of translating these words as he fails to understand them, he very unwisely emends the text and wrongly. My translation follows the manuscripts and not the text here. [Ethiopic] (so AB: wrongly emended in text) here is clearly = 0Obi/dioj and [Ethiopic] = Plou&tarxoj. Thus our text agrees closely with John of Antioch, loc. cit. : [Greek] After the word 'Plutarch' in the text the word [Ethiopic] (='weakened') occurs. This I have omitted in the translation. We are to follow B here, and read [Ethiopic], and not to follow A as in the text.
22. 3 Began to build ships. Cf. John of Antioch, iv. 541 [Greek]
23. 4 Cainan, &c. Cf. John of Antioch, iv. 541; Syncellus, i. 150. For 'astrolabes' in the text we should read 'astronomy', as Zotenberg has already pointed out. Cf. John of Antioch's statement: [Greek]
24. 5 And after . . . composed it. These words, which appear at the close of IV, I have placed here.
25. 6 Qanturjus, i.e. Gandubarius or Andubarius. Cf. Cramer, op. cit. ii. 234 [Greek] : also Chron. Pasch. 36, where the name is [Greek]. Andubarius and Cush are distinct persons, but have been fused together in the present work.
26. 1 Called him Orion. So John of Antioch, iv. 541; Chron. Pasch. 36. Dabarah is an Ethiopic transcription of the Arabic word for Orion.
27. 2 First to hunt, &c. Of. Chron. Pasch. 36 ; John of Ant. iv. 541.
Cf. Cramer, op. cit. ii. 234 [Greek] : also Chron. Pasch. 36, where the name is [Greek]. Andubarius and Cush are distinct persons, but have been fused together in the present work. 26. 1 Called him Orion. So John of Antioch, iv. 541; Chron. Pasch. 36. Dabarah is an Ethiopic transcription of the Arabic word for Orion. 27. 2 First to hunt, &c. Of. Chron. Pasch. 36 ; John of Ant. iv. 541.
28. 3 Shem. The manuscripts read 'Ham', but the fact that the person spoken of is defined by the subsequent words 'the firstborn of Noah', and that all the Greek chronographers, so far as I can discover, describe Cronus as a descendant of Shem, shows that the text is corrupt. The corruption, too, is clearly native to our text. ...
29. 4 + His son, named Domjos+. As Domjos was the father (?) of Cronus, the text is corrupt; for even a few lines later the son of Cronus is Picus, and not Domnus ...
30. 5 Zeus. In manuscripts [Ethiopic], which is due to faulty transcription of the Arabic [Arabic], as Zotenberg has shown. For the still stranger Ethiopic transliterations of this name in the next ten lines I have accepted his explanation also.
[From this point on, footnotes were only transcribed if they seemed likely to be of general interest, since the first 30 seemed both verbose and of limited interest. I have also omitted verbatim citations in the footnotes of Greek text of other writers with '...']
31. 2 Zotenberg conjectures that this chapter is an inaccurate resume of a passage in Diodorus Siculus (i. 17, 18) reproduced in Eusebius (Praef. Evang. ii. 1), containing an Egyptian myth to the effect that Osiris, whom some identified with Dionysus [...] had, in his journeyings through the world with his brother Apollo and his sons Anubis and Macedo (i. e. the corrupt Matunavis in our text), given the government of Phoenicia to Busirus and that of Ethiopia and Libya to Antaeus.
32. 3 'Abratus. Who this is is difficult to determine, the word being so corrupt. ... Chron. Pasc. 47. [...] 'Abratus may thus be Sostris or even a mutilated form of trismegistoj. Zotenberg suggests that it is for Herodotus.
33. 1 Cf. Herod, ii. 108-9; Dioclorus Siculus, i. 56-7.
34. 1 Cf. Herod, ii. 137 ; Diod. Sic. i. 65.
35. 2 Here. [Ethiopic] is an internal corruption for [Ethiopic] i.e. Rampsnitos, in Herod. ii. 121. The next verse, however, refers to Cheops : cf. Herod, ii. 124.
36. 3 The chronographers only speak of his discovery of the purple dye : cf. John Mal. 32 ...
37. 4 Text reads Nirûs. The corruption has, as Zotenberg shows, arisen from a faulty transcription of an Arabic form which was itself corrupt.
38. 1 Word corrupt here, as in vi.
39. 2 Changed the name of the country, tliat is, Assyria, and named it Persia after his own name. I get this excellent text by simply changing the order of three words. ... Cf. John Mal. 37 .... The text as it stands is absurd : 'changed the name of the country and named it Assyria, that is, Persia after his own name.'
40. 3 Plums, or 'peaches'. The word [Ethiopic] is transliterated from the Arabic (Zotenberg).
I get this excellent text by simply changing the order of three words. ... Cf. John Mal. 37 .... The text as it stands is absurd : 'changed the name of the country and named it Assyria, that is, Persia after his own name. '
40. 3 Plums, or 'peaches'. The word [Ethiopic] is transliterated from the Arabic (Zotenberg).
41. 4 (And) he urged the lonians to make prayers, and when they had offend supplications. These words are found in the manuscripts after the clause 'And Perseus was surprised at what had befallen' and before the clause 'forthwith from that fire he kindled a fire'. But since these two clauses form the protasis and apodosis of one and the same sentence, they must be taken together as in John Mal. and Chron. Pasch. [...], and the intruding words removed. From the same authorities we learn that the intruding clause should be read before the words 'there fell from heaven', &c. Hence I have restored them to their original context. [...]
42. 1 Sense quite missed here. Cf. John Mal. 28 [...]
43. 1 The same reference with others is found in john Mal., loc. cit.
44. 3 Thou art His priest for ever, &c. Ps. cx. 4. This particular form of the text is so far as I am aware peculiar to the Ethiopic version.
45. 4 God manifested Himself in Zion, &c. Ps. lxxvi. 1. 'Manifested' (...), here instead of 'known' ..., appears to be due to the Arabic Version. 'In Zion' seems to be peculiar to our author for 'in Judah'.
46. 5 His place abideth in peace. So Eth. Version. The ungrammatical [Ethiopic] is found also in the manuscripts of the Pss. 'In peace' instead of 'in Salem' is found also in the LXX, Vulgate, and Arabic Versions.
47. 6 Named [Jerusalem]. The manuscripts wrongly insert ' Jerusalem'.
48. 7 Emended.
49. 8 Lit. 'was left without being deprived of' (or 'divided in').
50. 6 Africanus does not give the number, but John of Antioch (iv. 547) and John Mal. (62) give 270 years. Each author quotes Africanus as his authority.
51. 1 Corrupt. Text translated as it stands.
52. 2 Supplied from Cramer, iv. 2...
53. 1 Corrupt.
54. 2 This passage is corrupt.
55. 1 = 'chapters and history'.
56. 2 = Cecrops (?).
57. 3 Slightly emended.
58. 1 Emended by Dillmann.
59. 2 This identification is most doubtful. ...
60. 3 Correct form, though transliterated from the acc.
61. 5 According to Guidi's Amharic Lexicon this is a lyre of ten strings.
62. 6 After Phrygia there seems to be a lacuna. The text is full of confusion. Zotenberg does not attempt a rendering.
63. 7 Cf. John Mal. 108 ...
64. 1 Cf. 2 Macc. ii. 4-8 ; 2 Baruch vi-viii.
65. 2 Zotenberg rightly recognizes a lacuna here.
66. 1 I have transposed these words in the text.
67. 1 An Arabic word.
68. 1 The Greek is transliterated in the text.
62. 6 After Phrygia there seems to be a lacuna. The text is full of confusion. Zotenberg does not attempt a rendering. 63. 7 Cf. John Mal. 108 ... 64. 1 Cf. 2 Macc. ii. 4-8 ; 2 Baruch vi-viii. 65. 2 Zotenberg rightly recognizes a lacuna here. 66. 1 I have transposed these words in the text. 67. 1 An Arabic word. 68. 1 The Greek is transliterated in the text.
69. 1 This chapter is very corrupt. First, as we see from John Mal. 168 sq., the text should deal with Ascanius, the son of Aeneas and Creusa .... According to some traditions and those that have influenced our text, Ascanius left Lavinium (Elbanja in our text) and built Alba Longa (Elwanja in our text). But the text of John Mal. is here very confused and erroneous. ... See also Cedrenus, i. 238.
70. 2 Cf. John Mal. 161 ...
71. 3 Text reads Iônâ through a faulty transliteration of the Arabic.
72. 4 Text reads Romanos by a corruption.
73. 5 Cf. John Mal. 171 ...
74. 5 Zotenberg resigns the attempt to translate verses 18-20. The text refers to the Brumalia. Cf. John Mal. 179 ...
75. 7 What this word refers to is doubtful. The words may, as Zotenberg suggests, form a fragment of a description of the four factions, and Abrastus in that case would represent [...]. Cf. Chron. Pasch. 112 ...
76. 1 This passage is corrupt. The original sense can be inferred from the Chron. Pasch. 292 ...
77. 2 Ps. lxxxi. 3. The text agrees with the LXX ...
78. 3 Cf. Cedrenus, i. 260 .... Here [...] means 'silver', but our author took it in its earlier meaning of 'unstamped', and some scribe omitted the negative. Hence we have 'stamped'.
79. 4 The meaning of this verse is obscure. Zotenberg does not translate it.
80. 1 In text Rakudi. Of. John Mal. 192 ...
81. 2 Cf. John Mal. 193.
82. 1 Cf. John Mal. 196 ; Chron. Pasch. 173.
83. 2 Cf. John Mal. 199.
84. 3 Cf. John Mal. 203.
85. 4 The text is a corruption of the account in John Mal. 317 C ...
86. 1 i. e. Caesar Augustus.
87. 1 Cf. John Mal. 217 sq.
88. 1 Cf. John Mal. 187. ...
89. 4 In Fabricius, Cod. Apocr. Novi Test., p. 952, and in his Cod. Pseudepig. Vet. Test., p. 1162, notices of this work of Ezra on the unlucky days of the twelve months will be found. See also Zotenberg in loc.
90. 1 Cf. John Mal. 236.
91. 2 The words ' deposed him from the throne ' occur in the text at the close of ver. 4. I have restored to ver. 3.
92. 2 [Ethiopic] = 'sun' is probably due, as Zotenberg conjectures, to a misreading on the part of the Ethiopic translator of the Arabic transcription of Pa&tmon...
93. 3 Cf. John Mal. 267 : Chron. Pasch. 250-1.
94. 1 This is corrupt. John Mal. 268 gives seventy-one years as his age. Nerva died at the age of sixty-four.
95. 2 Restored from John Mal. 276.
96. 3 Text corrupt. Cf. John Mal. 276 .... That is, he mingled the ashes of their bones in the brass out of which the brazen vessels of the public bath were made.
93. 3 Cf. John Mal. 267 : Chron. Pasch. 250-1. 94. 1 This is corrupt. John Mal. 268 gives seventy-one years as his age. Nerva died at the age of sixty-four. 95. 2 Restored from John Mal. 276. 96. 3 Text corrupt. Cf. John Mal. 276 .... That is, he mingled the ashes of their bones in the brass out of which the brazen vessels of the public bath were made.
97. 1 Probably corrupt. Cf. John Mal. 277.
98. 2 Cf. Euseb. Hist. iv. 2.
99. 1 Text corrupt: = Trajan. Hence addition of the words 'the first'.
100. 2 Cf. John Mal. 281.
101. 3 Cf. John Mal. 280.
102. 4 The present form of the text misrepresents the facts, as we see from John Mal. 280 .... The facts shortly are : The emperor constructed a great street between the two great porticoes ( e0mbo&lwn, transliterated Amulum in our text) in Antioch, and had this and the city paved with stones brought from the Thebaid.
103. 3 The text is corrupt here ; it runs : 'and that one should name them, and he named them'. The sense is that all the artisans in the city were to be called Aureliani after the name of the Emperor. Cf. John Mal. 800 . . .
104. 1 Text wrongly reads Maximin here and in 7725, but rightly on 7775. Text has to be corrected in 7747, 48, 73,74, 83, 88, 92.
105. 1 Cf. Euseb., Hist. viii. 14, on which verses 36 sqq. appear to be based.
106. 1 So Zotenberg renders, and perhaps rightly, but this meaning is unknown to classical Ethiopic, according to which it should be rendered—'apostate', 'heretic', &c.
107. 1 Our text here deals with the same subject as John Mal. 317 ...
108. 1 Cf. John Mal. 314 sq.; Chron. Pasch. 275 sq.
109. 1 Our author seems to have had Euseb. Hist. x. 8, or an equivalent source before him when writing this section regarding the apostasy of Licinius.
110. 1 Cf. Socrates, Hist. Eccles. i. 19.
111. 2 Cf. John Mal. 325. The right designation is Sa&pwr 0Arsa&khj.
112. 1 As Zotenberg suggests, this is a mistaken rendering : he compares Socrates, Hist. Eccles. ii. 25 ... We expect 'imperial power of the west'.
113. 2 Paulinus and Lucifer are very corrupt in the text, owing to faulty transliterations of the Arabic. Cf. Socrates, Hist. Eccles. ii. 36.
114. 3 So Zotenberg conjectures. Text corrupt.
115. 1 Cf. John Mal. 328 ; Chron. Pasch. 297.
116. 2 Kurrhstika& in John Mal. and Chron. Pasch.
117. 2 The explanation of these words and ver. 14 is to be found in an oracle of Apollo given to Julian and recorded in Theodoret (Graecarum Affectionum Curatio, p. 382, ed. Gaisford) : ...
118. 1 Julian was only 32 when he died, according to Eutropius, 31 according to Ammian. xxv. 8, 23 ; Socrates, iii. 21 ; 33 according to John Mal. 333.
119. 1 The text is inaccurate. Cf. John Mal. 336 sq.; Chron. Pasch. 800.
120. 2 The true account is that Jovian surrendered five Mesopotamian provinces with the fortresses of Nisibis and Singara. Even John Mal. 336 sq. concedes most of this.
121. 1 Verses 11-13 are a faulty rendering. Cf. Athanasii Opera ; Patrol. Graec. t. xxvi, col. 813.
xxv. 8, 23 ; Socrates, iii. 21 ; 33 according to John Mal. 333. 119. 1 The text is inaccurate. Cf. John Mal. 336 sq. ; Chron. Pasch. 800. 120. 2 The true account is that Jovian surrendered five Mesopotamian provinces with the fortresses of Nisibis and Singara. Even John Mal. 336 sq. concedes most of this. 121. 1 Verses 11-13 are a faulty rendering. Cf. Athanasii Opera ; Patrol. Graec. t. xxvi, col. 813.
122. 2 Cf. John Mal. 337.
123. 2 According to John Mal. 339 sq. Valentinian had Rhodanus burnt and his property given to the widow. Cf. Chron. Pasch. 302.
124. 1 Called Birgiti/nwn in John Mal. 341, and Bergiti/wn in Socrates, Hist. Eccles. iv. 31.
125. 1 It is not an individual but a community that is here referred to. The matter is referred to in Socrates, Hist. Eccles. v. 7, where it is recounted of Demophilus that [Greek].
126. 1 MSS. Atrasjus of Nisijus.
127. 2 [Ethiopic] gives no intelligible sense.
128. 3 Cf. Socrates, Hist. Eccles. v. 8.
129. 2 Contrast John Mal. 346 ...
130. 3 John Mal. 347 gives 15,000 ; Cedrenus 7,000 or 15,000.
131. 4 This should be Ambrose.
132. 2 The word means 'casket' or 'coffin', but in ver. 62 it means 'statue', as it should here.
133. 1 See note on ver. 46. The true account is given in the extract from Cedrenus in the next note.
134. 2 Cf. Cedrenus, i, 570 sq. ...
135. 3 On the correct account of two great abuses in Rome and their correction by the emperor, see Socrates, Hist, Eccles. v. 18.
136. 1 This is not an accurate account; see note 3 on p. 90.
137. 1 Cf. John Mal. 348 ... In Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vi. 6, he is called commander-in-chief : ...
138. 1 Contrast John Mal. 349-50.
139. 2 Cf. John Mal. 350.
140. 1 A misrendering of [...]. Cf. John Mal. 353. Hence render 'who was also called Eudocia'. This latter name she received on becoming a Christian (Chron. Pasch. 312).
141. 2 So also Chron. Pasch. 311. But according to Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 21, John Mal. 353, Cedrenus i. 590, he was named Leontius.
142. 1 Not found in John Mal. 363.
143. 1 This verse would apparently refer to the death of Hypatia recounted in Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 15, but that our author treats of this at length in lxxxiv. 87 sqq.
144. 2 Cedrenus i. 599 has Tei~xoj.
145. 3 In John Mal., Chron. Pasch., and Cedrenus the event that follows is said to have occurred in the circus.
146. 4 An interpolation.
147. 1 This homily is placed at the beginning of the Acts of the Council of Ephesus : ...
148. 1 See Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 35.
149. 2 In 436 the Armenian bishops consulted Proclus on certain doctrines attributed to Theodore of Mopsuestia. In the following year Proclus replied in his well-known letter peri\ pi/stewj.
150. 1 So MSS.
151. 2 Cf. Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 45 .... Zotenberg quite mistranslates the text.
152. 3 The clause 'and thus . . . from the churches' is transposed in the text before 'the severed members'.
148. 1 See Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 35. 149. 2 In 436 the Armenian bishops consulted Proclus on certain doctrines attributed to Theodore of Mopsuestia. In the following year Proclus replied in his well-known letter peri\ pi/stewj. 150. 1 So MSS. 151. 2 Cf. Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 45 .... Zotenberg quite mistranslates the text. 152. 3 The clause 'and thus . . . from the churches' is transposed in the text before 'the severed members'.
153. 1 The text here reads [Ethiopic] which I take to be a corrupt transliteration of o0rxhsta&j. Cf. Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii, 13, where he speaks of the fondness of the Alexandrians peri\ ta_j u0rxhsta&j.
154. 2 The text adds 'and he'.
155. 3 I have emended [Ethiopic] into [Ethiopic] ='regarding'.
156. 4 Cf. Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 13 ...
157. 5 Cf. Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 13.
158. 6 The Coptic word for the desert of Nitria, according to Zotenberg. Cf. Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 14.
159. 7 This is apparently wrong. It should be 'Cyril'.
160. 1 Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 16, reads ...
161. 2 According to Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 38, he escaped.
162. 1 Ps. cxvi. 18-19. The text differs from the Ethiopic version in respect of the verb.
163. 2 The account is somewhat different in Socrates, Hist. Eccles. vii. 47.
164. 1 Cf. Evagrius i. 10.
165. 1 This Theodosius was a fanatical Monophysite monk who had been punished in Alexandria for sedition, and had taken forcible possession of the see of Jerusalem for twenty months ; see Evagrius ii. 5.
166. 2 This should be 'dust'. Cf. John Mal. 372 ...
167. 4 Cf. John Mal. 371 ...
168. 5 Cf. John Mal. 369 'Isola&sioj Koiastw&rioj. The Arabic translator took the last word to mean 'the son of Quaestor', or 'of a quaestor'. See also Chron. Pasch. 322.
169. 1 Cf. Evagrius, H. E. ii. 8.
170. 2 Cf. Evagrius, H. E. ii. 9 sq.
171. 1 In Evagrius, H. E. ii. 10, he is said to be of Side.
172. 2 Eutyches was an opponent of Nestorianism.
173. 3 Of. Evagrius, H. E. ii. II.
174. 4 The text is here hopelessly unintelligible. Verina, who was the sister of Basiliscus, was carrying on an intrigue with Patricius, the master of the imperial household. According to Procopius i. 6 she had taken part in driving her son-in-law Zeno into exile in order that she might advance Patricius to the throne. See also John Mal. 378, Chron. Pasch. 325. This Patricius was a son of Asper (John Mal. 371). In Cedrenus i. 613 the proper name Patricius is taken to mean a dignity.
175. 1 So Cedrenus i. 616. Text corrupt: = Suvanses.
176. 2 Accusatives, not nominatives, should here be read.
177. 3 Cf. John Mal. 380.
See also John Mal. 378, Chron. Pasch. 325. This Patricius was a son of Asper (John Mal. 371). In Cedrenus i. 613 the proper name Patricius is taken to mean a dignity. 175. 1 So Cedrenus i. 616. Text corrupt: = Suvanses. 176. 2 Accusatives, not nominatives, should here be read. 177. 3 Cf. John Mal. 380.
178. 4 I have supplied a clause which the text requires, and which has fallen out through homoioteleuton. According to John Mal. 380 sq. and Theophanes this was Stephen II, who was appointed patriarch by Zeno in 480, but according to other authorities this was Stephen I, who was patriarch 478-80. Zotenberg by a strange error supplies a like clause before the preceding sentence : '(On nomma ensuite patriarche d'Antioche Etienne), qui proscrivait la secte de Nestorius'. But it was Peter the Fuller (intruding patriarch of Antioch 471-488) who persecuted the Nestorians, and not Stephen, who according to all authorities was put to death by a mob of Antioch on the ground that he was a Nestorian.
179. 1 This is the Church of S. Barlaam. Cf. John Mal. 381.
180. 2 Text hopelessly corrupt. The text was to the effect that Zeno appointed the son of Armatus, the commander of the praetorians, to be Caesar, as he had promised. Cf. John Mal. 381 ...
181. 3 The text is corrupt. ... John Mal. 353.
182. 1 The text is unintelligible and corrupt. It reads, 'made the city to the emperor Zeno'. As John Mal. 383 has here : ... I have emended [Ethiopic] (='made the city') into [Ethiopic] ( = 'made a friend').
183. 2 Text defective and corrupt. The event is recorded in John Mal. 384, Chron. Pasch. 327.
184. 3 'Ala&rixoj in John Mal. 385 ; Evagrius, H. E. iii. 27, iv. 19.
185. 1 Probably a transliteration of Koiai/stwr, the name of an office, which the translator took to be a proper name.
186. 2 On the various names of Timothy, commonly called Salofaciolus, consecrated patriarch of Alexandria 460 A. D., see Smith's Dict. Christ. Biog. iv. 1033.
187. 3 Peter the Fuller was banished by Zeno (Evagrius, H. E. iii. 8) to Petyus. On the way thither he escaped his guards and took refuge in the church of S. Theodore in Euchaites (Cedrenus i. 618). Thence he returned to Antioch, and intrigued against the orthodox prelates, the two(?) Stephens and Calandio. Finally, on the deposition of the last, Peter was restored by Zeno in 485 on signing the Henoticon.
188. 2 With the confused text of this and the following verses cf. John Mal. 885-9.
189. 4 The text = 'to permit her to remain in the fortress of Isauria', exactly the opposite of what she desired. ...
190. 3 Urbicius was the chief of the eunuchs.
191. 4 sxola&rioj = an official of the palace guard. It is not a proper name.
192. 5 Utterly corrupt. We should read as in John Mal. 388: ...
193. 1 So Zotenberg restores the faulty name.
194. 1 The words 'and the emperor' precede 'by entering a church ... to God' in the previous verse. John Mal. 390, Cedrenus i. 621 support this restoration of the order of the text.
191. 4 sxola&rioj = an official of the palace guard. It is not a proper name. 192. 5 Utterly corrupt. We should read as in John Mal. 388: ... 193. 1 So Zotenberg restores the faulty name. 194. 1 The words 'and the emperor' precede 'by entering a church ... to God' in the previous verse. John Mal. 390, Cedrenus i. 621 support this restoration of the order of the text.
195. 1 The text misrepresents the facts, which were briefly as follows. On one occasion the Green Faction in Constantinople besought the emperor during one of the races to set free from bonds certain individuals who had been cast into prison for throwing stones during an exhibition in the circus. But the emperor refused, and ordered the soldiers to attack the people. Thereupon the mob assailed the imperial guards, and a Moor among it hurled a stone at the emperor. Cf. Chron. Pasch. 329 .... See also John Mal. 394 sq.
196. 1 It is the forum of Constantine that was affected. See above passage.
197. 3 This was the Basilica of Rufinus in Antioch.
198. 4 Cf. John Mal. 396 sqq.
199. 5 John Mal. says Alexandria.
200. 1 Cf. John Mal. 399 .... See Evagrius, H. E. iii. 37.
201. 2 Cf. Evagrius, H. E. iii. 36.
202. 3 Zotenberg takes this to be Illyria.
203. 1 Reading as in ver. 56
204. 2 In John Mal. 407 he is an ex-prefect.
205. 1 Not so in John Mal. 407-8.
206. 1 As Zotenberg shows, the [Ethiopic] is a transliteration of the Arabic words for ' Curds ', i. e. ' Scythians '.
207. 1 This should be ' fine powder'. Cf. John Mal. 403 ...
208. 1 Nakius on B.
209. 2 John Niciota, Monophysite patriarch of Alexandria 507-517.
210. 3 1 Pet. i. 24.
211. 4 Hopelessly corrupt. John Mal. 410 has ko&mhj eckoubito&rwn = 'Count of the imperial guard '. So also Chron. Pasch. 330.
212. 1 This account is incorrect. According to John Mal. 410 sq., Chron. Pasch. 331, Amantius gave large sums of money to Justin to distribute in order to secure the elevation of Theocritus, a Count of the palace guard, to the imperial throne.
213. 3 John Mal. 411 ...
214. 4 This should be the patriarch Leo referred to in ver. 6.
215. 1 These words occur after 'patrician' in the text.
216. 1 John Mal. 419 contradicts this.
217. 1 Chron. Pasch, 332 1Oninoj ; John Mal. 413 No&moj.
218. 2 Corrupt. ...
219. 1 According to other chroniclers the wound was in his foot.
220. 1 So Chron. Pasch. 335. But John Mal. 427 gives Gilderichus.
221. 3 This is quite wrong. Peter removed these generals from their commands. Cf. Chron. Pasch. ...
222. 3 It was Justinian made these presents to the queen of the Huns. Cf. John Mal. 431.
223. 4 In John Mal. 431 these are named To&ragc and Glw&m.
224. 1 John Mal. 431 calls him Grw&d, and Cedrenus Go&rdaj.
225. 2 In John Mal. 432 he is named 'John the ex-consul'.
226. 3 See John Mal. 427. In Cedrenus i. 643 Gre/thj.
227. 2 ... Jewish proselytes held the throne of the Himyarites in the sixth century, and were conquered by the Axumitic king.
Cf. John Mal. 431. 223. 4 In John Mal. 431 these are named To&ragc and Glw&m. 224. 1 John Mal. 431 calls him Grw&d, and Cedrenus Go&rdaj. 225. 2 In John Mal. 432 he is named 'John the ex-consul'. 226. 3 See John Mal. 427. In Cedrenus i. 643 Gre/thj. 227. 2 ... Jewish proselytes held the throne of the Himyarites in the sixth century, and were conquered by the Axumitic king.
228. 3 This should be 'of Axum'(?) ; cf. John Mal. 433.
229. 4 He was the paramona&rioj (= aedituus) of the church of S. John in Alexandria (John Mal. 430).
230. 1 Zotenberg points out that no such event is mentioned in the Egyptian Calendars, but that on this day the memory of the patriarch Dioscorus II was celebrated in the Monophysite Church.
231. 1 There appears to be a lacuna in the text.
232. 1 Bishop of Cyrrhus.
233. 2 Zotenberg does not attempt to translate verses 12-17, on the ground that the text is too corrupt to admit of translation. I render the text as it stands, saving for one or two changes.
234. 2 John Mal. 441 sq.
235. 2 Bishop of Diocaesarea in Isauria about 431.
236. 3 i. e. the Monastery of Ennaton (see Butler, op. cit. 51).
237. 1 According to Evagrius, H. E. iv. 38, John was a native of Seremis, in the district of Cynegica, belonging to Antioch.
238. 1 The text may refer to the capture of Rome by the Goths and its recovery by Belisarius (John Mal. 480), its subsequent capture by the Goths and its recovery by Narses (op. cit. 483-5).
239. 1 The early part of this chapter is full of errors.
240. 2 Text reads Domentiolus.
241. 3 So restored by Zotenberg.
242. 1 So by a slight transposition of the text.
243. 2 Cf. Evagrius, H. E. vi. 10.
244. 3 Third Abyssinian month, beginning on April 8 according to the Gregorian Calendar.
245. 1 Cf. Evagrius, H. E. vi. 20.
246. 2 The word here is purely Amharic.
247. 3 So restored by Zotenberg. See Evagrius, H. E. vi. 16-18.
248. 4 Text restored by Zotenberg.
249. 5 Text has 'elder'.
250. 1 An Arabic word meaning ' scribe'.
251. 2 This sentence precedes the former in the text.
252. 1 So restored by Zotenberg.
253. 1 The Ethiopic is corrupt. Alexander occurs in the text, but seems quite wrong. On the probable erents referred to see Chron, Pasch. 380; Bury, Later Roman Empire, ii. 86-92.
254. 2 Here we have a confused account of Germanus, the father-in-law of Theodosius, son of Maurice (?).
255. 1 Text is a transliteration of a0natolh~j (Zotenberg).
256. 2 Not so according to other chroniclers ; it was the Jews caused these tumults. Cf. Cedrenus i. 712.
257. 3 Bonosus is called Ko&mhj 'Anatolh~j in Cedrenus i. 712. According to Cedrenus, in this passage the leaders of this tumult in Antioch were Jews, who attacked the Christians.
258. 4 This and the following verses are full of confusions.
259. 1 See note 4 on previous page.
260. 2 This seems corrupt for Theodora the wife of Justinian, who founded a convent for penitents.
261. 3 In the text this sentence precedes ver. 4.
262. 4 The text reads Konakis.
712. According to Cedrenus, in this passage the leaders of this tumult in Antioch were Jews, who attacked the Christians. 258. 4 This and the following verses are full of confusions. 259. 1 See note 4 on previous page. 260. 2 This seems corrupt for Theodora the wife of Justinian, who founded a convent for penitents. 261. 3 In the text this sentence precedes ver. 4. 262. 4 The text reads Konakis.
263. 1 This word is variously spelt in our text. I retain this spelling.
264. 2 An Amharic word.
265. 3 I hare followed Zotenberg in reading Bonakis here. The text has ' John '.
266. 4 Called Apulon in ver. 9.
267. 1 See note on xcvii. 16.
268. 2 A corruption of a Coptic word.
269. 3 The text = Phons, which generally = Bonosus. According to 10-11 it was the emperor who sent them by means of Bonosus.
270. 1 The text is very confused. I have given so far as possible the general sense.
271. 2 The text needs no emendation here such as Zotenberg suggests.
272. 3 There seems to be a lacuna in the text here.
273. 1 An Arabic word, as Zotenberg points out.
274. 1 So Zotenberg.
275. 2 The text wrongly reads Bonosus here.
276. 1 As Zotenberg points out, this is the transliteration of two Arabic words, the first of which is translated by the Amharic word that follows.
277. 2 i. e. ' the Greens '.
278. 1 Zotenberg emends the text and reads 'west'.
279. 1 So manuscripts. Zotenberg emends and renders 'au chateau'.
280. 1 John, Duke of Barca, who had been sent against the Moslem that had invaded Egypt (so Zotenberg, comparing Nicephorus, Brev. Hist., p. 17). See, however, Butler's Arab Conquest of Egypt, p. 222 n.
281. 2 2 Sam. i. 27.
282. 1 So manuscripts.
283. 1 i.e. Bahnasa(?).
284. 2 I have emended [Ethiopic] (= 'all') into [Ethiopic] = 'both'.
285. 3 On 'Amr's parentage see Gibbon, v. 444 (ed. Bury).
286. 4 This was the fortress, otherwise called Babylon.
287. 5 Identified by Butler (Arab Conquest of Egypt, p. 217 n.) with Umm Dûnain.
288. 1 Butler (Arab Conquest of Egypt, p. 235 n.) has shown that Abâkîrî is the same as Apa Cyrus, pagarch of Heracleopolis Magna.
289. 1 See Butler, p. 268 n.
290. 2 The Ethiopic word here bears sometimes, as in this passage, the meaning militia, turba militaris, as in Dillmann's Lex.
291. 1 So emended by Butler (p. 293 n.) Text = ' years'.
292. 2 So restored by Zotenberg. See Butler (p. 297, n. 2), who takes this word to be a compression of two distinct words, Tûkh (Mazîd) and (Mit) Damsîs, which lies about nine miles due east of Tûkh Mazîd in the Delta.
293. 1 The text is a transliteration of an Arabic word (Zotenberg).
294. 2 ' The souls of rulers'—so the manuscripts.
295. 3 Sixth Abyssinian month, beginning on Feb. 7 according to the Gregorian Calendar.