Their instruction was to be moral and scriptural, but no mention is made of the ancient Greek literature. This is the more surprising when we remember the tone of his Homily on pagan literature,² and his own exceptional proficiency in classical learning. We can only say that, in his ardent devotion to the monastic cause, he seems to have set himself in complete revolt against both the education and morals of the day. And we have also to remember that the scholars in his monastery schools were either orphans whose education was undertaken from motives of charity,³ or in many cases children who had been admitted in order that they might be trained with a view to the monastic life.
In the latter case it was perhaps natural that pagan learning was omitted from the curriculum. It is, however, a matter for deep regret that the education advocated by Basil should have been so severely and exclusively scriptural. Some years later we find St. Chrysostom writing to a Christian father as to the relative advantages of the public school and the monastery as places of education. He acknowledges that a classical training is of some value, and that both philosophy and rhetoric may be put to good use, while he also admits that for the Christian scholar the society of his equals in rank and fortune may often prove highly beneficial. But at the same time he most strongly insists that there are other and more important questions to be considered. The true father is he who cares for his son's
$$ Cf. Reg. Brev. 292 εἰ χρὴ ἐν ἀδελφότητι παιδίων βιωτικῶν εἶναι διδάσκαλον. $^2$ Op. ii. 22.
It was a free education; cf. Reg. Brev. 304.
soul. Though parents are right in desiring that their sons should excel in intellectual attainments, yet they are not worthy of the name of parent unless they also pro vide for the moral education of their children. We may choose one of two alternatives, the public school and proficiency in worldly knowledge, or the solitude of the monastery and the edification of the soul. If the two things could be united, should much prefer it, but as this cannot be, let us see that we choose the more precious. It was the fear of the bad moral influence of pagan literature which tended to alienate the minds of serious Christians from such studies, and the Fathers of the Church were more anxious for the purity of faith and morals than for the cultivation of literature.
As to the pedagogic methods which Basil recom mends, there is little that calls for comment. It is interesting, however, to note that great stress is laid upon the need of attentiveness in the pupils, just as inattention was also to be carefully guarded against in the devotions of the monk. Further, it is possible that the insistence upon proportionate punishment and the offering of prizes as stimulus to industry are a reflection upon the harsh punishments in vogue in the public schools of the day. 5
Whatever was the educational value of the monastic school at this time, there can be but little doubt that it
Adv. Oppugnatores Vitae Monast. iii. 12-13.
TOV /jir) fjUTeupifccrOai eOiff^s.
Reg. Brev. 201-2 TO ap.erf(i)piarov.
Cf. Reg. Fus. and the similar system of punishment for monks in Reg. Fus. and Reg. Brev. 81. v.s., p. 55.
Cf. Ausonius, Ep. 22, and Chrysostom, Horn, in Tim. vi.
must have formed an important recruiting-ground for the monastic movement. Many of the children who had been thus educated in the monasteries would be attracted by the quiet devotional life of the monks, and would desire to be professed.
We have now seen how monasticism included both women and children within its scope. But besides being independent of sex and also, very largely, of age, it showed itself to be superior to all class distinctions. Both bond and free were to be admitted to the monastic life. Yet the reception of slaves must often have raised questions of great difficulty. In his treat ment of the problem Basil adopts the same line as St. Paul had taken with regard to the slave Onesimus. Thus if runaway slave presents himself at the monastery gates, he is to be admonished and sent back to his master with a recommendation to mercy. As a general rule slaves are not to be admitted without their masters consent.
But there may arise occasions when the obligations of morality and the service of Christ take prece dence of duty towards an earthly master. If the master is a bad man, and gives an order which is contrary to law, and so compels the slave to break the commandments of his true Master, our Lord Jesus Christ, we must endeavour that the name of God be not blasphemed through the performance by the slave of some action which is displeasing to God. And we shall do this either by encouraging the slave to bear patiently whatever punishment may fall to
him for obeying God rather than man , or by assuring those who have received him that the trials which they may endure because of him are well pleasing to God/ The monastic movement, while it allowed the slave, under certain conditions, to avail himself of the religious life, must also have helped to lighten the lot of such slaves as were compelled to remain with their masters. It is probable that the monastic life, with its insistence upon the universal duty of manual labour, did much to raise the position both of the working man and the slave. And we can feel sure that Basil felt the same horror for the institution of slavery which is expressed in the words of his brother Gregory, How can any one buy and sell him who has been made in the image of God ? When the Eastern monk showed himself to be the friend of the slave he was acting according to the true spirit of Christianity. 5
Acts v. 29.
Reg, Fus. u.
Mutual consent was also required in the case of married persons. Reg. Fus. 12.
Greg. Nyss. Horn, in Eccles. ii. 7.
The Eastern monasteries, unlike those of the West, never themselves owned slaves ; cf. Theodor. Cantuar. Poenitentiale, viii. : Graecorum monachi servos non habent, Romani habent.
CHAPTER XII
FOOD AND CLOTHING
Though the monk, as a true Christian, was not to be over-anxious as to food or raiment, we find that a good deal of attention is paid to these subjects in most ascetic and monastic writings. And indeed the question was one of no small importance. If any degree of asceticism was to be attempted, it was necessary that both the quantity and quality of food and clothing should be carefully regulated in accordance with ascetic principles. Hence we find that in Basil's Rules there is frequent mention of these matters. But his directions are one and all actuated by his ideas as to the place and value of ascetic practices in the monastic life. In Basil's scheme the monk did not live to abstain, but abstained to live. He subordinated the physical to exalt the spiritual. In other words, asceticism, as we have already had frequent occasion to affirm, was a means, not an end.
With regard both to food and clothing it is ordered that the monks must be guided by the principles of necessity, utility, and simplicity. Both self-indulgence and ostentation are to be avoided, and the mean is carefully to be observed. While excessive abstention,
$$ Cf. Reg. Brev. 70 της χρήσεως τὸ μέτρον ή ἀπαραίτητος ἀνάγκη της χρείας.
such as was often practised by the Fathers of the Desert, is deprecated, an austere frugality is recommended. Yet Basil directions in these matters, as in all others, are characterized by great breadth of outlook. Fasting, for example, is not to be a matter of private enterprise, encouraging competition, but an observance to be \ regulated by authority as best befits the welfare of the whole community. In its purpose and meaning it is to be regarded as an exercise of continence or a proof of penitence, and not as a mere test of physical endurance, or an attempt to gain merit.
If fasting be carried to such extremes as to make a man unfit for the regular work of the monastery it is to be condemned as being nothing better than selfishness. In all questions of abstinence individual circumstances are to be taken into account. There is no one rule to include all who practise piety. Age, health, work, must all be considered. The superior is to see that each has his due share, and is to make special regulations where necessary. Sickness and the fatigue occasioned by overwork or long journeys must be treated with leniency. Each is to receive with thankfulness the food assigned to him.
In response to the question Whether all such things as are set before us are to be tasted , the answer is given : We must insist that for those who strive after piety, continence, (or temperance), is indispensable for the complete subjection of the body. For " Every man that striveth in the games is temperate in all
Reg. Brev. 129, 138.
Reg. Fits. 19. \ Reg. Fus. 19.
Reg. Brev. 128.
things".1 But that we may not be included amongst the enemies of God, whose conscience is seared with a hot iron, so that they abstain from meats, which God hath created to be received with thanks by the faithful, all things, as occasion offers, are to be tasted by us. Thus all who see us will know that "unto the pure all things are pure "2 and that "every creature of God is good, and nothing is to be refused, if it be received with thanksgiving. For it is sanctified by the word of God and prayer ".3 And the aim of continence is best secured when we use the cheaper kinds of food, and such as are necessary to sustain life, and so avoid both the sin of gluttony and of eating for pleasure. . . . Continence shows us the man who has died with Christ, and has mortified his members which are upon the earth. We know also that continence is the mother of chastity, the friend of health, and the great conqueror of all that hinders us from showing forth the fruit of good works in Christ.' 4
We gather from the foregoing that eating is to be regarded as a necessity and not as a pleasure, and that food is to be sustaining but inexpensive. Elsewhere we are told that those foods are to be preferred which may be found close at hand, and can easily be prepared. The example of our Lord is quoted, who fed the multitudes from such small supplies as the disciples could procure 'in the desert place'.
The object of food is to make us better workmen for God. Excessive eating, no less than excessive absti-
lt;sup>1 1 Cor. ix. 25. Tit. i. 15. 1 Tim. iv. 4-5. Reg. Fus. 18. Reg. Fus. 19. 2. Reg. Brev. 196.
nence, will render the monk unfit for his work, and that which was intended to sustain the body will prove to be its destruction. In his Letters Basil gives us some interesting details as to monastic fare. For man in good health bread will suffice, and water will quench thirst ; such dishes of vegetables may be added as best serve to strengthen the body for the exercise of its functions. Grace is to be said before and after meat. There must be a fixed hour for the repast when all will assemble. One meal day was apparently the rule. Thus Basil writes : Let there be one fixed hour for taking food, always the same in regular course, that of all the four-and-twenty hours of the day and night barely this one may be spent upon the body. 3 At meals there was to be reading, which must be listened to with greater pleasure than that with which we eat and drink, so that our mind may seem in no way to be distracted by bodily pleasure, but rather to rejoice in the words of the Lord, even as he who found them sweeter than honey and the honeycomb. Voracious eating is condemned, as being both an offence to the brethren and also a transgression of the Apostle command, Whether, therefore ye eat, or drink, or whatsoever ye do, do all to the glory of God.
Though in his requirements Basil does not show the same rigour as some of his predecessors, yet his ruling in these matters cannot be described as lenient. No doubt he was conscious that his practice was much
Reg. Fus. 19. 2. Ep. 2. 6. Ibid.; cf. Reg. Brev. 136. \ Ps. xviii. n ; Reg. Brev. 180.
Cor. x. ; Reg. Brev. 72.
less austere than that of the Egyptian or Palestinian monks. In comparison with the perfect, he says, we are but children/ Yet, when all allowances are made, it cannot be said that his regulations are other than severe.
A frugal meal once day would seem to satisfy all the demands of rigorous asceticism. Experience showed that such abstinence was for some of the monks great hardship. Although in the case of Egypt it is not unreasonable to urge that the warm climate made it possible to exist on very little food, yet the Cappadocian winter can never have given much encouragement to ascetic practices. Nor can it be said that the native of Cappadocia or Pontus did not know what comfort was, and so could easily dispense with it. Basil Homilies reveal a very different state of things. Some of the monks and nuns were drawn from the leisured classes, and the change from a life of luxurious ease and plenty to the austerity and extreme frugality of the monastery would often prove to be a matter of some difficulty.
In this connexion it is interesting to read the long diatribe against gluttony which occurs in the treatise On Renunciation. From Adam onwards the cunning snare of food has been the Devil chief stratagem. The man who eats secretly, and is addicted to snacks is singled out for special reprobation. have seen many who were rescued from the power of sin and restored to health, but not one of them was a secret eater or a glutton. These either deserted the
Ep. 207. 2. \ \a0po(f>dyos. fuitpq. ycvatt.
life of continence, or endeavoured to remain undetected amongst their brethren, where by their indulgence they proved themselves to be the fellow-soldiers of the Devil. \
We learn from the Rules that the supply and dis tribution of food was presided over by an official specially appointed for the purpose. Though the superior was the ultimate source of authority in all other matters, yet in this department he delegated his powers to the cellarer, or steward. Mention ismade more than once of this official, whose task was of no small importance, inasmuch as he was responsible, not only for the physical comfort, but also for the temporal prosperity of the community. Directions are given that he is not to exercise his powers arbitrarily, but to do his work with a loving consideration for the brethren, attending equally to the wants of all without any suspicion of partiality. He is to be given an assis tant who will take his place, should need arise. The duties of the cellarer are not to be undertaken by the monks in turn, as was the case with certain tasks of less responsibility. Basil description of the cellarer is very closely followed by Benedict in his Rule. The office must have required man who could combine high degree of business capacity with kindly and impartial sympathy for those under his care. Such men, if they did their duty, would form
De Ren. 6.
7re/>t T& epyov rov Kf\\apiov. Reg. Brev. 147. oiKovopwv Reg. Brev. 149.
Reg. Fus. 34. 2. Reg. Brev. 156.
Ibid. chap. xxxi.
at once an admirable example for the Church, and an agreeable contrast to the officials of the imperial government.
On the subject of clothing it is first to be noticed that Basil decides in favour of a distinctive dress for the monk. In doing so he could not claim to be original, since some form of monastic habit would seem to be as old as monasticism itself. And in Asia Minor the monks of Eustathius were distinguished by 'the coarse cloak, the girdle, and the shoes of untanned hide', as Basil himself tells us.2 In writing to his friend Gregory he also gives us a description in some detail of what he considers to be the proper clothing for the monk. 'From the humble and submissive spirit comes an eye sorrowful and downcast, appearance neglected, hair rough, dress dirty; so that the demeanour which mourners are at pains to assume may seem to be our natural condition. The tunic should be fastened to the body by a girdle, the belt 3 not going high above the waist, like a woman's, nor left slack, so that the tunic flows loose, like an idler's. The one aim of dress is that it should be a sufficient covering alike in summer and winter. As to colour, avoid brightness, and in material, that which is soft and delicate. To aim at bright colours in dress is to be like those women who try to beautify themselves by giving their cheeks and hair an unnatural hue. The tunic ought to be thick enough not to want other help to keep the body
lt;sup>1 At the Council of Chalcedon it was ordered that every bishop should appoint a steward for the management of Church property. Can. 26.
lt;sup>2 Ep. 223.
Cf. Reg. Fus. 23 Περὶ τῆς ζώνης.
warm. The shoes should be cheap but serviceable. In a word, what one has to regard in dress as in food is the necessary.' This agrees with what is said in the Rules, though they are somewhat more moderate in tone, possibly as the result of some years of experience. In answer to the question, 'What is the modest apparel prescribed by the Apostle?' Basil replies as follows: 'That which best and most properly answers to the needs of each, and takes into account season, locality, persons, and circumstances. For reason itself demands that there should be different clothing in summer and winter. and that the workman should not wear the same kind of clothes as he who is not working, or the server as he who is served, or the soldier as the civilian, or the man as the woman.'2
The monk is not allowed to have one garb for work and another for show. The same clothing will serve both for night and day. Since all the brethren have one end in view, namely, the religious life, uniformity in dress is desirable.3 In each monastery there is to be an official whose special duty it will be to dispense clothing to the members of the community.4 He is entitled to give out warm clothing if the rigours of the winter so require. No member is allowed to dispose with his old garments on his own authority.5 Clothing which is made of hair is only to be worn as a penance.6 Basil makes the subject of misfits an occasion for a short exhortation. 'If the garment is
lt;sup>1 Ep. 2. 6.
Reg. Fus. 22. 1-2.
Ibid.
lt;sup>2 Reg. Brev. 210. 4 Reg. Brev. 87.
Reg. Brev. 90.
too small or too large for the wearer, let him make known his wants with becoming modesty. But if his complaint be that it is too poor, or not new enough, let him remember the words of the Lord, " The workman " and not every man " is worthy of his sustenance." And let him ask himself whether he has done any work which is worthy of the commandments of the Lord, or of His promises, and then he will not ask for other clothing, but will be anxious lest he is receiving that which is beyond his deserts. For what has already been said with regard to food must be regarded as a rule in all things that concern our bodily needs. Elsewhere it is ordered that the monk is not to aim at a becoming simplicity in his apparel. 3
The picture of the monk with his ragged and dirty habit, worn both by night and day, is very far from attractive to the modern reader. But we have to remember that this very unattractiveness had its uses. It testified to the sincerity of the monk who was content to discard all ornament and dispense with every comfort as a protest against the luxurious habits of the day.
We aretold that the Emperor Julian by the affected filthiness of his personal appearance wished to show his admiration for the old philosophers. So too by his dress and demeanour the monk was to be living advertisement for the Christian philosophic life . Thus Basil remarks in his directions as to the monastic
Matt. x. 10. Reg. Brev. 168.
TO (VT(\f?) Iva. irpeirri aura).
Pullan, Church of the Fathers, p. 266.
habit: 'This peculiarity of dress is of great use, inasmuch as it proclaims the wearer, and testifies to his profession of the Godlike life. For indeed, those we meet will require from us such behaviour as is congruous with our habit. For improper or unseemly conduct is not so noticeable in an ordinary individual as in one who makes great pretensions. Thus when some common or quite unknown person engages in street brawls, or gives vent to bad language, or passes his time in taverns, or misbehaves himself in some such way, no one takes much notice, but regards these things as merely the natural events of everyday life. But suppose that a man who has undertaken the life of perfection commits some small blunder, all notice it at once, and reproach him with it, as it is written, "they will turn again and rend you." In this way the special habit of the professed is in itself a means of education for the weaker brother, since it keeps him from mischief even against his will. And just as the soldier, the senator, and others each have their own particular uniform from which we can tell their rank, so also the Christian ought to have his own special dress.' It would seem, then, that although the cowl could not make the monk,4 it might help to keep him constant to his ideal.
lt;sup>1 Matt. vii. o.
lt;sup>2 παιδαγωγία τίς ἐστι.
lt;sup>8 Reg. Fus. 22. 3.
v.s. p. 3.
CHAPTER XIII
HOSPITALITY AND CHARITY
IN his material requirements the monk had not only himself to consider. It was natural that from time to time he should have visitors, while the poor would be sure to come to him for help in their necessities. Hence we find that hospitality and charity are ques tions to which early monastic writers gave considerable attention.
To the Oriental hospitality was not so much virtue as an instinct. To the Christian it was duty sanctioned both by the practice and precept of Holy Scripture, being illustrated by the Old Testament, and directly commanded in the New. To the monk it was an obligation faithfully to be observed, but at the same time regulated and controlled in accordance with the monastic ideal of undistracted devotion to God. Basil, as we might expect, attaches great importance to a proper practice of hospitality. In the Moralia he gives the Scriptural reasons why we should receive guests with frugality and without disturbance . Our Lord used only five loaves and two small fishes when He fed the multitudes, while He rebuked Martha for her much serving .\ In the Rules he treats the subject at some length. It is only necessary to give
the substance of his remarks. It must be noticed that he is always most anxious for the reputation of his monasteries. Visitors, for example, are not to go away with an impression that the monks live in luxury. If a guest does not care for the entertainment provided, he need not come again. Suppose that stranger comes to us. If he is a brother, and leads the same life, he will not object to having the same table. For he will only find what he has left at home. . . . But if he is of the world, he will learn from our deeds that which words could not teach him, and will see practical example of frugality with contentment. He will go away with recollection of true Christian fare, and of poverty endured without shame for Christ sake. If, however, he is not thus impressed, but is disposed to ridicule our doings, he will not trouble us a second time.
The entertainment of guests is the affair of the community, and not of the individual. It is, therefore, necessary that the superior himself shall receive them. In his absence another monk is to be chosen to fulfil this duty. The superior will conduct the conversations with the visitors, and will answer any questions that they may ask. No brother is to be allowed to correct the superior in his answers, but may make suggestions to him in private. The arrival of a visitor is not to interrupt the work or devotions of the monastery, except in cases of the most urgent necessity. All guests, whether monks or laymen, are to be invited to share in the prayers of the community. The
Reg. Fus. 20. 1-2. Ibid.
Reg. Fus. 45.
Reg. Brev. 313.
only stipulation made is that they shall be friends of God . Monastic hospitality may not always have been entirely disinterested, and the reception of visitors would often prove an effective method of propaganda. Thus in the Shorter Rules the question is discussed Whether anyone who wishes to avail himself of the monastery only for a short time, is to be allowed admission ? Basil s decision is as follows : It is right to give him admission, even though the result may be doubtful. For perhaps he will be benefited by his short stay, as not infrequently happens, and become completely enamoured of our life, when he has made full proof of our discipline, and has found it to be very different from what he had suspected. In all ages the invitation to come and see may often prove the most satisfactory refutation of the opponents of monasticism.
Our Lord Himself has shown us that the highest form of hospitality is to bid the poor, the maimed, the lame, the blind . From the very first the monk recognized the duty of such care for the poor. He claimed to lead the Apostolic life , and both the teach ing and example of the Apostles encouraged him in his charitable intentions. It might of course be urged that one who had vowed himself to poverty had nothing to give, but the great object of his renunciation had been that it might enable him to give to the poor . The needs of the brotherhood and its various communities had, of course, to be considered, but they
Reg. Brev. 312.
Luke xiv. 13.
Reg. Brev. 97.
Mark x.21.
were not the only consideration. We have already noticed, in our discussion on monastic labour, that Basil requires the monk to work, not merely as a cure for idleness, but also 'that he may have whereof to give to him that hath need'. The monk was not to escape the ordinary obligation of the Christian to deeds of charity, but rather to make his love of the poor a proof of his great devotion to God. The Church had already set him a grand example in her practice of almsgiving, and the poor were still, no doubt, the 'Altar of the Church'.3 But yet we find in Basil's Homilies many signs of a tendency in certain quarters to neglect this duty. He complains of the rich that 'they cover the bareness of their walls with tapestries, and do not clothe the nakedness of men. They adorn their horses with rich and costly trappings, and despise their brothers who are in rags.' 4 In fact his denunciations are so severe that he has been claimed as a Socialist who denied all rights of property.5 Though such a claim is made quite wrongly,6 yet Basil's forcible language does show that a strong reminder of the duty of charity was needed. The monastery might well seek to remedy the shortcomings of ordinary Churchmen in this matter.
Further, the economic conditions of life under the imperial administration always left a large scope for private charity. And it would seem that in Basil's
lt;sup>1 v.s. p. 59. Eph. iv. 28; Reg. Fus. 37. 1.
Polycarp, Ep. ad Phil. 4, of the widows supported by the Church. Hom. in Divites, 4. So Nitti, Catholic Socialism, p. 67.
lt;sup>6 Cf. Reg. Brev. 92; where he points out it is not the mere possession of goods which is wrong but their abuse.
time there was more than ordinary necessity to come to the help of the poor. Though free labour was largely on the increase and there was a corresponding shrinkage in the number of slaves, yet the condition of the working classes was very far from prosperous. Taxation and usury both sent their victims to swell the ranks of the destitute. There was need of some exceptional effort to remedy this state of things. The Emperor Julian endeavoured to relieve the prevailing distress by means of legislation, and converted Church custom into civil law, complaining that humanity and philanthropy were only to be found amongst Christians. Valens also attacked the difficult question of taxation, but the problem was beyond his powers. As bishop, Basil had to undertake the care of the poor in his diocese, and we frequently find him intervening in cases of excessive taxation. In time of famine also he came to the rescue of the distressed, so that Gregory calls him 'a second Joseph'. But the ordinary diocesan administration of relief was probably insufficient for the mass of poverty which was everywhere to be found.
Hence it was to the monks, with their vows of poverty and their obligation to charity, that men looked for some help in the solution of this problem. The monastery did indeed offer one way out of the difficulty. To the rich man who embraced the monastic life it gave an escape from 'the deceitfulness of riches', while his money and possessions could be devoted to a worthy cause. It is probable that the insecurity of property at this time would in some cases make the renunciation of worldly
goods less irksome. A man of business also might welcome the peace and rest of a monastery after the bustle and uncertainty of industrial life. To the struggling working classes the monastery offered a secure and quiet life such as they could not enjoy elsewhere. To the slave, on the other hand, it could give the opportunity for free labour, in addition to the blessings of independence and social equality. But all this presupposes the definite profession of the monastic life. It may, therefore, be objected that the monastic movement attempted to cure economic evils by running away from them, and that the monk cell provided last refuge for those who had despaired of the state . This is very far from the case. The monastic movement, besides being in itself a social experiment on strictly communistic lines, made an honest endeavour to correct in the world at large the results of an economic system which it could not alter. The monasteries became recognized centres for the distribution of relief. Nor was it always necessary to embrace the monastic life in order to help on this social work. The gifts and bequests of the faithful would be welcomed gladly by the monasteries, who could dis tribute them to those who were in real need. The bishop had hitherto been the official guardian of the poor, but the monks were better able to give time and
Cf. Ep. 2. 2, on the trials of men in the world with their mis fortunes in trade, quarrels with neighbours, lawsuits, the risks of the merchant, the toil of the farmer. Each day as it comes darkens
the soul in its own way . The bishop methods were too often those of the imperial largesse.
care to the matter. We find that Basil lays down certain definite principles which are to guide the monks in their administration of charity. The individual monk was not to be allowed to give anything to the poor on his own responsibility. A special official was to be appointed to preside over the distribution. There was to be no indiscriminate giving, but carefully 'organized' charity.1 Basil's words on this subject are worth quoting, 'Since our Lord has declared that "it is not good to take the children's bread, and cast it to the dogs", and yet has also approved the saying "even the dogs eat of the crumbs which fall from their master's table",2 the brother who has been appointed for the purpose will distribute only after careful investigation. And let any one who does anything contrary to his decision be punished as disturbing the discipline of the community.' 3
We can also gather what was Basil's teaching on this matter from the letter of a friend, in which 'the very godly bishop' is described as uttering the following sentiments: 'Experience is needed in order to distinguish between cases of genuine need and those of mere greedy begging. For whoever gives to the afflicted gives to the Lord, and from Him shall have his reward; but he who gives to every vagabond casts to a dog, a nuisance indeed from his importunity, but deserving no pity for his plea of poverty.' 4
But besides the relief of the poor there was another sphere in which Basil wished the monastery to show its
lt;sup>1 Reg. Brev. 101. 298. Matt. xv. 26-27. Reg. Brev. 100.
lt;sup>4 Bas. Ερ. 150: entitled 'Αμφιλοχίφ ώς παρά 'Ηρακλείδου.
usefulness, namely, the care of the sick. Basil himself, as a chronic invalid, would have great sympathy with such a work. In his youth he had acquired some proficiency in medical science, and would so be able to take a professional interest in the matter. In his Longer Rules he is at some pains to prove that 'the practice of medicine is in accordance with the aim of piety'.1 Various arts and sciences, he declares, have been given to man by God out of sympathy for his weakness. Agriculture, for example, was granted him to supply his bodily needs after the Fall. So too, medicine was given to lighten the effects of his curse. But medical treatment must be as simple as possible, and only used when need so requires. We are not to put our whole trust in medicine. Christ Himself sometimes healed immediately, at other times mediately; so we also may be healed sometimes 'suddenly and invisibly', but at other times by material means. Disease may be either a punishment or a temptation at Satan's request. St. Paul was afflicted to prevent him from being more than human, as is shown by the incident of the Lycaonians.2 We must not think that medicine is the prime cause of restored health, but rather the goodness of God. But just as we use agriculture, though it is God who 'gives the increase', so also though it is only God Himself who can heal, we may still make use of the science of medicine.
We are not here concerned with the origin of hospitals as charitable institutions for the reception of the sick or infirm. It would seem that by the time of Julian
lt;sup>1 Reg. Fus. 55; cf. Reg. Brev. 140.
lt;sup>2 Acts xiv. 12.
the Christian Church was well known for her activities in this direction, and the restored paganism was to imitate 'the impious Galileans' by the erection of numerous hospitals.1 We possess a good deal of information as to the hospital which Basil as bishop built for his people at Caesarea. Gregory describes it as 'the new city',2 while Sozomen speaks of 'the Basileias, that most celebrated hospice for the poor, founded by Basil from whom it received the name which it still bears'.3 We are also told by Gregory that Basil himself frequently visited his hospital, and that there were many lepers among its inmates.4 He received much assistance from the monks who came to the support of their bishop in this great charitable work. It would seem that there were other such hospitals in his diocese,5 and we know also that Eustathius had a similar institution at Sebaste, presided over by Aerius, the famous heretic. It is probable that from the very first the monastery and the hospital were very closely connected—no doubt to their mutual advantage. In one of the Shorter Rules reference is made to the care which was taken of the sick by the monks. Some of the patients, it appears, were men of doubtful character and inclined to be unruly. Thus the question is asked, 'Since we who minister to the sick in the
lt;sup>1 Cf. Sozomen, Eccl. Hist. v. 16. Julian, Ep. 49.
lt;sup>2 Or. 43. 63. Ramsay, The Church and the Roman Empire, p. 264, says that 'the new city caused the gradual concentration of the entire population of Caesarea round the ecclesiastical centre, and the abandonment of the old city'.
lt;sup>3 Eccl. Hist. vii. 34. Or. 43; ibid.
hospital are taught to treat them as brethren of the Lord, how ought we to treat one who is not of such a character'. Basil briefly answers 'that he is to be admonished by the Superior, and if he persists in his evil conduct he is to be expelled from the hospital'.
From this short review of the charitable activities of the Basilian monks we are justified in maintaining that Basil did not mean the monastic life to be one of devout selfishness. It cannot be said that the monk was not intended to 'make himself either agreeable or useful in this world'. He was to be not only the Christian gentleman, but also the Christian philanthropist.
Finally, it is to be noticed that in the midst of such zealous care for the material welfare of the sick and poor, their spiritual needs were not forgotten. 'The poor' had 'the Gospel preached unto them' in this re-awakening of Christian energies. The monk by his freedom from worldly cares was well equipped for such 'apostleship'. Basil himself set an admirable example in the matter, for we read that through his missionary efforts 'in a short space of time the face of the whole province was changed'. In fact the monastic
lt;sup>1 Reg. Brev. 155; cf. also Reg. Brev. 286, as to 'whether a sick monk is to be received into hospital (εἰς ξενοδοχεῖον)'. The Hospital at Caesarea is spoken of as τὸ πτωχοτροφεῖον, with its $\mu\nu\dot{\eta}\mu\eta$ , or chapel. Epp. 150, 176.
lt;sup>2 Gibbon, Decline and Fall, chap. xv, of the Early Christians.
v. s., p. 4.
Matt. xi. 5.
lt;sup>5 Rufinus, Eccl. Hist. ii. 9 'Basilius Ponti urbes et rura circumiens . . . ita brevi permutata est totius provinciae facies, ut in arido campo videretur seges fecunda, ac laeta vinea surrexisse.'
movement was provided with every possible method of evangelization. The education of children, the exercise of hospitality, the relief of the poor, the care of the sick, were all so many outlets through which the quickening of the devotional life might make lasting impression upon the world at large.
CHAPTER XIV
CONCLUSION
WE have now briefly to consider the results of our investigation. The first observation to be made is that what seems to be the most striking characteristic of Basil scheme is its comprehensiveness. The monastic ideal is set before us in all its fullness, and with all its implications. Basil would have us see that the subject is neither unimportant nor uninteresting. He himself realized that the appearance of the monastic movement was matter of great moment for the Christian Church. Hence in his writings he examines the whole question of monastic theory and practice with great care. He investigates the doctrinal basis of the monastic ideal, and finds it to be scriptural both in origin and intention. He fixes the centre of the monastic life in the religious instinct, in the love of man for God, and the desire for union with Him. The method for the attainment of such union is the ascetic way of renunciation and self-denial, involving also discipline and obedience, work and prayer. The best environment for the purpose is that of the community. The scope of the monastic life includes all classes, both sexes, and, in some degree, all ages. Its great obligations are not to be undertaken without a most sure conviction of vocation, while its principles extend to every depart -
ment of life and conduct, even to small details of food and clothing. Further, the monastic ideal is social in implication, and involves the exercise of both hospitality and charity. We cannot but acknowledge that this is a grand picture of the religious life in all its varied activities which Basil sets before us. We have, however, to ask the question, has itever been realized ? /
The evidence.of history is..atj&rst^ight.unsatisfactory. Though Eastern monasticism is everywhere Basilian in name and form, so that there are no separate monastic orders in the East, and the modern Orthodox monasteries are very little different from those of the fourth century, yet in spirit it is, in most cases, very far from the Basilian ideal. The Eastern monk would seem to have reverted to the monasticism of the Fathers of the Desert. There is much prayer and recitation of immoderately long offices, and also much fasting, but the claims of both industry and charity have been neglected. Though monasticism holds a very important place in the Orthodox Church, since all the higher clergy are recruited from its ranks, yet it appears to be stagnant and ineffective. The Eastern monk claims that, like the great Father, he leads the Gospel life, 2 but none the less he isnot the power for righteousness that Basil intended him to be. The fact is that the monks of the East, while they have throughout their history professed Basilian principles, and have everywhere adopted, amplified, and interpreted his
Cf. Fortescue, The Orthodox Eastern Church, p. 354.
Ibid. p. : They all follow the rule of St. Basil, but they are indignant if one calls them Basilians. They do not belong to St. Basil order, they explain, but St. Basil belonged to theirs.
Rule, have not been true to the whole of his teaching. They have forgotten his warnings against laziness and selfishness, and have failed to see with their master that the monastic ideal is social as well as devotional, practical as well as contemplative. It is lawful to conjecture that, had they been more truly Basilian, they would have done more for their Church, though it would be difficult to maintain that she would have been better without them.
But both West and East have felt the influence of Basil. Benedict advises his monks to read the Rule of our holy Father Basil , and includes it amongst the instruments whereby well-living and obedient monks may attain to virtue/ And as we read Benedict we see how much he owed to his predecessor in the composition of his Rule. It was through him that Basil proved to be light , not only of Cappadocia and the East but also of the whole world . And ina sense it was the monks of the West who most fully carried out Basil ideals. Monasticism, like Christianity itself, has had its origins in the East and its finest developments in the West. The Western monks had to apply Basilian principles to the conversion of new nations. This saved them from a stagnation such as befell their Eastern brethren. It was thus in the struggle with the pagan barbarism of the West that the spirit of Basil found its truest expression.
This is not the place to discuss at any length the general question of the value of the monastic life, with
Regula LXXIII.
e.g. the Constitutiones of Theodore, and the Novellae of Justinian.
J its mystical aim and ascetic practice. But it is necessary in any treatment of a subject which concerns asceticism / to remember that what is not of value for all may yet ✓ be of value for some. The Gospel theory of asceticism, which Basil followed, was that the special renunciation of the ascetic life is for him only 'who can receive it'.1 It is manifestly unfair to condemn the ascetic ideal off-hand, merely because it is not capable of universal Japplication. It need hardly be said that, if the race of men is to continue, all cannot be monks or nuns. But to argue, therefore, that no one ought ever to embrace the monastic life is illogical and absurd. ✓ To regard monasticism as the only serious form of Christianity is entirely foreign to the true Christian spirit, and the attempt to force the ascetic ideal upon the whole clergy of the Church was not only a failure but a disaster. Yet we cannot on that account refuse the monastic life a place within the Church. It is true, indeed, that all real Christianity involves in some degree the practice of asceticism, for the Gospel teaches us that self-realization is achieved only through self-denial and self-sacrifice. But that is not all. There may be some who feel called to devote themselves to the service of God, and find that such service is only possible for them in the monastic life. There must always be 'men of violence' 4 who will take the Kingdom of God by storm, when other methods are of but
Matt. xix. 12.
lt;sup>2 Cf. H. Black, Culture and Restraint, chap. viii, 'The Failure of the Ascetic Ideal.'
lt;sup>3 Mark viii. 35: 'Whosoever shall lose his life for my sake and the gospel's, the same shall save it.'
Matt. xi. 12 (R.V.).
little avail. That there have been many such men and women in the past, the history of monasticism plainly shows. They have been saints whose example and influence has leavened the whole Church. And we cannot maintain that the need for them has passed away. It is doubtful, indeed, whether any Church in any age can dispense with the services of the monk. Monasticism would seem to be a permanent element in Catholic Christianity. The Church of England, in particular, has been reproached with a cultivation of the gentilities to the neglect of a deeper spirituality and devotion. But the revival in this country of the community-life has done much already to increase devotion and to help on the work of evangelization.
There are some who tell us that the true salvation of our Church lies in a proper concentration of her energies, and that revival and reinvigoration can be brought about only by such means. Monasticism may then come to the aid of the Church, not merely as an ascetic reaction against luxury and worldliness, but rather as a serious attempt to provide certain definite centres of enthusiastic devotion from which the true Christian spirit of love and self-denial may permeate both Church and nation. But by whatever me:ns revival may come, if we are not once again to close the doors upon enthusiasm, we shall need another Basil to secure for it a welcome and a home within our Church.
Cf. Hobhouse, The Church and the World in Idea and History, pp. 15, 310, 340.
APPENDIX
A
Introduction to the Longer Rules.
i. BY the grace of God, in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, we who have set before ourselves one and the self same end, namely, the life of piety, are met together in one place. And while you indeed are plainly desirous to learn somewhat of the things that pertain to salvation, for my part must proclaim the judgements of God, remembering night and day the words of the Apostle, By the space of three years ceased not to admonish every one night and day with tears .\ And the present time ismost convenient for us, and this place provides quiet and a release from the tumult of the outside world.
Wherefore, let us pray together one with another, both that we may give to our fellow-servants their due measure of seed, and that you who receive the word may, like the good ground, bring forth the perfect and manifold fruit of righteousness, even as it is written.
beseech you, therefore, through the love of our Lord Jesus Christ, who gave Himself for our sins, that we now take thought for our souls, that we lament the vanity of our past life, and that we strive for the future to the glory of God, and of His Christ, and of the holy and adorable Spirit. Let us not remain in this careless ease, ever neglecting through our slothfulness the present, and putting off to the morrow or the far future the first beginning of our works, lest, being found all unready with good works by Him who demands of us our souls, we be cast forth from the joy of the bride-chamber, weeping uselessly and in vain, and
Acts xx. 31.
Matt. xiii. 23.
lamenting our ill-spent life, when repentance can no longer avail. 'Now is the acceptable time,' says the Apostle, 'now is the day of salvation.' 1 This is the time of repentance, that of reward: this of toil and labour, that of receiving wages: this of patience, that of comfort. Now God is the helper of such as turn from the evil way; then He will be the terrible examiner of all men's thoughts, words, and actions. Now we enjoy His long-suffering; then we shall know His justice, when we shall rise again, some to eternal punishment, others to eternal life, and each one of us receive according to his works. How long shall we put off our obedience to Christ, who has called us to His heavenly kingdom? Shall we not rouse ourselves? Shall we not recall ourselves from our accustomed manner of life to the careful life of the Gospel? Shall we not set before our eves that great and terrible day of the Lord, on which those who by their good works have drawn near to the Lord shall be received into the kingdom of heaven, but those who by their lack of good works have been set on the left hand shall be enveloped in the fire of Gehenna and everlasting darkness? 'There,' as it is said, 'shall be the weeping and gnashing of teeth.'2
2. Although we profess to desire the kingdom of heaven, yet we have no care for those things by which it may be gained. And though we undertake no labour which the Lord commands yet we imagine in the folly of our heart that we shall receive equal honours with those who have resisted against sin even unto death. Who has ever at the time of sowing remained at home idle or asleep, and then, when harvest has come, filled his bosom with sheaves? Who has ever gathered grapes from vine that he has not planted and cared for? Those who have laboured receive the fruits: honours and crowns are for conquerors. Who would ever crown him who had not even stripped for the
Cor. vi. 2.
fight ? For itis necessary not only to conquer, but also to contend lawfully, according to the words of the Apostle ; that is, not to neglect even the smallest of such things as are commanded, but rather to perform each thing as we have been ordered. For it is said, Blessed isthat servant, whom his Lord when he cometh shall find, not doing anywise, but so doing . And If thou hast offered aright, but hast not divided aright, thou hast sinned.
But we, thinking perhaps that we have fulfilled one commandment, nor indeed should say fulfilled, for all the commandments are joined one to another according to the sound and proper meaning of Scripture, so that if one be broken, the others are of necessity also broken, do not expect the wrath of God for those which we have transgressed, while for the keeping of one commandment we dare to look for honours and rewards.
He who from the ten talents entrusted to him has retained one or two, and has restored the others, is not declared to be honest, because he has restored the greater part, but is shown to be both wicked and covetous because he has kept back the rest. Why do say kept back ? For he that was entrusted with one talent, and gave it back whole and unharmed as he had received it, was nevertheless condemned because he had not added anything to that which was given him. He that has honoured his father for ten years, and then strikes him but one blow, is not honoured as benefactor, but is condemned as a parricide. Go ye/ said the Lord, and make disciples of all the nations teaching them not to observe some things, and neglect others, but to observe all things whatsoever command you. And the Apostle writes in like manner, Giving no occasion of stumbling in anything, that our ministration be not blamed ; but in everything commending ourselves
2. Tim. ii. 5.
Gen. iv. (LXX).
Luke xii. 43.
Matt, xxviii. 19-20.
as ministers of God.' For if all these things had not been necessary for the attainment of our salvation, all the commandments would not have been written: nor would they all have been declared necessary for our observance.
What do my other virtues profit me, if, through calling my brother a fool, I am to be condemned to Gehenna? For what profit has he who is free from the multitude of sins, if he by one single sin be brought into slavery? For it is said, 'Every one that committeth sin is the bond-servant of sin'. And what gain has he who is free from many diseases, if his body be afflicted with some sore disease?
3. So, then, some one will say, is it not folly for the multitude of Christians who keep not all the commandments to keep any of them? And, therefore, it is good to remember the blessed Peter, who, though he had done so many good deeds, and had received such great blessings, yet for his one fault was told, 'If I wash thee not, thou hast no part with me'.' And I need not say that he had shown no sign of negligence or contempt, but had rather given proof of his reverence and devotion.
And yet some one may say that it is written, 'whosoever shall call upon the name of the Lord shall be saved,' as though the very calling upon the name of the Lord was enough to save him that called. Let him rather hearken to the Apostle who says, 'How shall they call upon him in whom they have not believed?' And even if thou believest, hear our Lord who says, 'Not every one that saith unto me, Lord, Lord, shall enter into the kingdom of heaven; but he that doeth the will of my Father which is in heaven'. For indeed he who does the will of God,
lt;sup>1 2 Cor. vi. 3-4.
lt;sup>8 John xiii. 8.
lt;sup>5 Rom. x. 14.
lt;sup>2 John viii. 34.
Joel ii. 32.
Matt. vii. 2.
but not as God wills, nor from the love which he has towards God, his zeal for good works is fruitless, according to the words of our Lord Iesus Christ, who says, 'This they do that they may be seen of men: verily I say unto you, They have received their reward'.1 Wherefore Paul was taught to say, 'And if I bestow all my goods to feed the poor, and if I give my body to be burned, but have not love, it profiteth me nothing'.2 And, to sum up, I perceive that there are three different dispositions which inevitably lead us to obey. Either through fear of punishment we turn away from that which is evil, and so are of a slavish disposition; or, seeking to make gain by the reward, we fulfil the commandments for the sake of their benefits, and for this reason are like men of gain: or else we do good for the sake of the good itself, and from love of Him Who gave us the law, rejoicing that we are thus thought worthy to serve the great and good God, and so we have the disposition of sons. Nor will he who keeps the commandments from fear, and is always expecting the penalty of sloth, obey some orders, and neglect others, but he will have always the same dread of the judgement which comes upon all disobedience.
And, therefore, he is pronounced blessed who fears always with reverence. And he stands firm in the truth, for he can say, 'I have set God always before me, for he is on my right hand, therefore I shall not fall,' 3 as never choosing to neglect anything that is right. And, 'Blessed is the man that feareth the Lord'. For what reason? Because 'he hath great delight in his commandments'. 4 Wherefore it is not possible for those who fear to neglect any of God's orders, or to perform them carelessly.
Nor, indeed, will the man of gain choose to neglect or transgress any of the commandments. For how will he
lt;sup>1 Matt. vi. 5.
lt;sup>2 I Cor. xiii. 3.
lt;sup>3 Ps. xvi. 8.
Ps. cxii. I.
win the reward of his labour in the vineyard, if he does not fulfil that to which he agreed? For if he come short in even one thing that is needful, he makes himself useless to his master. And who will pay a reward to him that has done wrong?
The third service is that of love. Who, then, that seeks to please the Father, and in great things wins His favour, will choose to grieve Him in that which is least? But let him much more remember the Apostle, who says, 'Grieve not the Holy Spirit of God, in whom ye were sealed '.'
4. Where, then, shall we put those who transgress most of the commandments? They neither worship God as Father, nor believe in Him as the Promiser of great things. nor serve him as Master. 'If, then, I be a father,' He says, 'where is mine honour? and if I be a master, where is my fear?' For 'He that feareth the Lord hath great delight in his commandments '.3 But 'by thy transgression thou dishonourest God'.4 And how, if we prefer the life of pleasure to the life of obedience to the commandments. can we expect for ourselves a life of blessedness, fellowcitizenship with the saints, and joy among the angels in the presence of Christ? Truly these are the imaginations of a foolish mind. For how shall I be with Job, if I have not received even light affliction with thankfulness? Or how shall I be with David, if I have not shown myself patient with my enemies? Or how with Daniel, if I have not sought after God with constant abstinence and careful prayer? Or how with any of the saints, if I have not followed in their steps? Who is so unjust an arbiter of the games as to judge him who has never even contended to be worthy of the same crown as the victor? What general ever gives an equal portion of the spoils to those who have been victorious and to those who have never even
lt;sup>1 Eph. iv. 30.
lt;sup>3 Ps. cxii. 1.
lt;sup>2 Mal. i. 6.
Rom. ii. 23.
appeared in the battle ? God is good, but He is also just. And it is the nature of the just to recompense worthily, as it is written, Do well, O Lord, unto those that are good and true of heart. As for those such as turn back unto their own wickedness, the Lord shall lead them forth with the evildoers \ He is merciful, but He is also Judge. For He says, The Lord loveth mercy and judgment . And, therefore, it is said, will sing of mercy and judgment unto thee, O Lord . And we have learnt who it is that receive mercy, for He says, Blessed are the merciful, for they shall obtain mercy . Thou canst see with what dis cernment He uses mercy. He is neither unjustly merciful, nor mercilessly unjust. For God is both merciful and just. Let us not then half know God, nor make His kindness an occasion of sloth. For this cause are His thunders and lightnings, that His goodness may not be despised. He that maketh the sun to rise, also punishes with blindness. He that giveth the rain, also rains fire. Those show His goodness, these His severity. Let us then either love Him for those, or fear Him for these, that it be not said to us, Or despisest thou the riches of his goodness and for bearance and longsuffering, not knowing that the goodness of God leadeth thee to repentance ? but after thy hardness and impenitent heart treasurest up for thyself wrath in the day of wrath . Since then neither can they be saved, who do not those works which are according to the will of God, nor is it without danger to neglect any precept for it is the height of arrogance to make ourselves the judges of our Lawgiver, and to approve some of His laws and reject others we who endure the conflict of piety and lead the life of calm and rest, regarding such a life with honour, as being our fellow worker in the keeping of the Gospel decrees, must one and all take careful heed that no command-
Ps. cxxv. 4-5. Ps. xxxiii. 5.
Ps. ci. i.
Matt. v. 7.
Rom. ii. 4-5.
ment escape us. For if the man of God must be perfect—as it is written, and as our words have already shown—it is before all things necessary that he be made clean and perfect in every commandment, according to 'the measure of the stature of the fulness of Christ'; 'for by the Divine law even the clean beast, if he had any blemish, was not accepted as a sacrifice to God.
If, therefore, any one think that he be lacking in anything, let him bring it forth that all may examine it in For it is easier through the careful scrutiny of the many to find out that which is hidden, seeing that God allows us to find that for which we seek, by means of the teaching and guidance of the Holy Spirit. Since, then, 'necessity is laid upon me, and woe is unto me, if I preach not the Gospel', 2 so also there is equal danger for you, if you are slothful in your search, or if you show yourselves careless and negligent in the keeping of tradition, or in fulfilling it by good works. Wherefore the Lord says, 'The word that I spake, the same shall judge him in the last day'.3 And, 'That servant which knew not his Lord's will, and did things worthy of stripes, shall be beaten with few stripes; but he that knew, and did not, neither made himself ready according to his will, shall be beaten with many stripes'.4
Let us pray then that I may blamelessly dispense the word, and that the teaching may bear fruit in you. And since then we know that the words of Divine Scripture will rise up before us at the judgement-seat of Christ—'For I will reprove thee,' He says, 'and set before thee thy sins' 5—let us hearken diligently to that which is spoken, and seek earnestly to carry out the Divine decrees; for we know not on what day or at what hour the Lord will come.
lt;sup>1 Eph. iv. 13. 1 Cor. ix. 16. John xii. 48. Luke xii. 47–48. Ps. l. 21.
APPENDIX
В
Introduction to the Shorter Rules
THE good God, 'that teacheth man knowledge,' gives command by his Apostle to those who are entrusted with the gift of teaching that they should continue in their teaching. And those who desire the edification of holy doctrine He exhorts by Moses, saying, 'Ask thy father, and he will show thee; thy elders, and they will tell thee.'3 Wherefore it behaves us who have been entrusted with the ministry of the word, always to be zealous for the perfecting of your souls. But though sometimes we must needs bear witness publicly before the whole Church, yet often we must allow ourselves to be consulted privately by any one who may come to question us concerning that which belongs to sound faith and right conduct according to the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ; for by means of these two things the man of God is perfected. And you too must allow nothing to pass fruitless and unheeded, but besides that which you hear in public, must also ask privately concerning those things that are convenient, and so order aright all the quiet hours of your life. Seeing, then, that God has brought us here together, and that we have much freedom from the troubles that are without, let us not turn aside to any other work, or give ourselves again to sleep, but rather pass the hours of the night which remain in careful thought and in searching out that which is needful, fulfilling the words of the blessed David, 'In the law of the Lord will he meditate day and night.' 4
lt;sup>1 Ps. xciv. 10.
lt;sup>2 2 Tim. iv. 2.
lt;sup>8 Deut. xxxi. 7.
lt;sup>4 Ps. i. 2.
APPENDIX
Decrees of the Synod of Gangra, 340 A.D.
THE Synodal Letter of Gangra, written to the Bishops of Armenia, gives the following reason for the calling of the council : The most sacred Synod of the Bishops has assembled on account of certain necessities of the Church, and for investigation of the affair of Eustathius ; and having found that many improprieties have been com mitted by his followers, it has, therefore, determined to remove the evils which Eustathius has brought about.
The causes of complaint are first enumerated and the text of the decrees then follows :
Canon i. If any one despises wedlock, abhorring and blaming the woman who sleeps with her husband, even if she is a believer and devout, as if she could not enter the kingdom of God, let him be anathema.
Canon 2. If any one condemns him who eats meat, though he abstains from blood, things offered to idols, and things strangled, and is faithful and devout, as though by his partaking he has no hope of salvation, let him be anathema/
Canon 3. If any one teaches slave, under pretext of piety, to despise his master, to forsake his service, and not to serve him with goodwill and all respect, let him be anathema.
Canon 4. If any one maintains that when a married priest offers the sacrifice, no one should take part in the service, let him be anathema.
Canon 5, If any one teaches that the house of God is
to be despised, and likewise the assemblies there held, let him be anathema.
Canon 6. If any one, avoiding the churches, holds private meetings, and in contempt of the Church performs that which belongs to her alone, without the presence of priest with authority from the bishop, let him be anathema.
Canon 7. If any one appropriates to himself the tithes of produce which belong to the Church, or distributes them outside the Church, without the consent of the bishop, or of one appointed by him, and will not act according to the bishop wishes, let him be anathema.
Canon 8. If any one gives or receives such offerings without the will of the bishop, or of one appointed by him for the administration of it, both giver and receiver shall be anathema.
Canon 9. If any one lives unmarried or practises continence, avoiding marriage with abhorrence, and not because of the beauty and holiness of virginity, let him be anathema.
Canon 10. If any one of those who for the Lord sake remain unmarried exalts himself above those who have married, let him be anathema.
Canon n. If any one despise those who infaith observe the agape, and for the honour of the Lord invite their brethren, and refuses to take part in these invitations because he lightly esteems the matter, let him be anathema.
Canon 12. If any one from pretended asceticism wears the philosopher cloak, and as if he were thereby made righteous, despises those who wear ordinary coats and make use of other such clothing as is everywhere customary, let him be anathema.
TOVS ftrjpovs <[>opovvTwv.
Canon 13. If woman from pretended asceticism alters her dress, and instead of the customary female dress assumes male attire, let her be anathema.
Canon 14. If woman leaves her husband and would separate herself through abhorrence of marriage, let her be anathema.
Canon 15. If any one forsakes his children, and does not educate them, and, as far as he can, train them in fitting habits of piety, but neglects them under pretext of asceticism, let him be anathema.
Canon 16. If children, especially those of the faithful, forsake their parents under pretext of piety, and do not shew them due honour, on the plea of esteeming piety as the higher duty, let them be anathema.
Canon 17. If woman from supposed asceticism cuts off her hair, which has been given her by God to remind her of her subjection, and thus renounces the command of subjection, let her be anathema.
Canon 18. If any one from supposed asceticism fasts on Sunday, let him be anathema.
Canon 19. If an ascetic without bodily necessity but from pride neglects the fasts which are observed by the whole Church, as though he possessed full understanding, 1 let him be anathema.
Canon 20. If any one out of pride regards with abhor rence the assemblies of the martyrs and the services there held, or the commemorations of the martyrs, let him be anathema.
See Mansi II, 418-421, and Hefele, History of the Church Councils, II, pp. 326-339, whose translation, with some slight changes, is here used.
airottvpovvTos \v avrca T\etou Xoyia^iov, perfecta in eo residente ratione.
TO.S ffvvaeis. \firovpyias.
INDEX
Aerius, 128. Agriculture, 82 f., 127. Allen, A. V., 29. Annesi, 9. Anthony, 39, 80, 97. Antiphonal chanting, 70. Apostolic life, 44 f., 122. Athens, University of, 105. Athlete, Christian, 35, 43, 47. Authority, desire for, 49.
Basileias, the, 128. Benedict, 4, 18, 115, 133. Besse, 75. Bigg, 105. Bright, 8 f. Butler, 40.
Cassian, 66. Cellarer, 115 f. Chrysostom, John, 106 f. Church, condition of, 7, 48 f. Clement of Alexandria, 75. Clergy, 7, 17, 48, 76. Coenobitical monachism, 40–6. Communion, frequency of, 77. Communism, 44, 125. Compline, 68. Confession, 52, 73–6. Contemplation, 13, 46. Continence, 34 f., 114, 147.
Domestic duties, 85. Donatism, 2. Dorotheus, 98. 'Double monastery,' 98. Dreams, 60, 69.
Education, 102–8. Egypt, Monks of, 2, 3, 36, 47, 61, 77, 97, 111, 114, 132. Emmelia, 9, 98. Eschatology, 25 f., 138, 144. Eucharist, 77, 147. Eustathius, 3, 19, 98, 116, 128, 146. Evangelization, 129 f.
Fairs, to be avoided, 84. Fall, the, 23. Fasting, 111, 148. Fialon, 37.
Gangra, Synod of, 3, 146. Gentleman, Christian, 13, 129. Gibbon, 96, 129. Glover, 105. Gluttony, 112, 114 f. Glycerius, 98. Grammar Schools, 105. Gregory of Nazianzen, 9, 12, 18, 32, 45 f., 50, 82, 104, 128. Gregory of Nyssa, 5, 62, 98, 109.
Habit, monastic, 119. Heaven, 24. Hexaemeron, 11. Hodgson, 103. Holl, 76. Holy Spirit, 66 f., 68. Hospitals, 127–9. Humility, 28 f., 43, 49.
Idleness, 79. Imitation of Christ, 27 f. Inattention, 28, 62, 65, 104, 107. Intercession, 61.
James, W., quoted, 37 f. Julian, 97, 105, 118, 124, 127 f.
Kitchen work, 85.
Lauds, 71. Laughter, 95. Laus perennis, 62. Liturgy of St. Basil, 78. Love of God, 23, 25, 27, 38, 44, 78, 131, 141 f. Love of neighbour, 26 f., 42, 44.
Macrina, 5, 8, 9, 98, 99. Marin, 76. Marriage, 31, 146, 148. Materialism, 1, 135. Meals, 113 f. Medicine, 54, 127. Monastic Constitutions, 28, 36, 76. Montanism, 2, 29, 76. Moralia, 17 f., 72, 120. Mysticism, 3, 22, 37, 78, 134.
Nature, beauty of, 10 f., 59. Newman, 13. Nitria, 39. Nocturns, 69. None, 67. Novatianism, 2. Novice, 72, 88-91.
Order, Basilian, 132 f. Organization of Charity, 124–6. Origen, 73, 75. Orphans, 102. Orthodoxy, 29 f.
Pachomius, 39, 40, 51, 62, 69, 82 f., 87, 98 f. Pagan learning, 72, 105-7. Palladius, 39 f., 98. Pedagogy, 107. 'Penitents,' monks as, 95. Peter of Sebaste, 98. Philocalia, 73. Philosophy, Life of, 17, 36, 118, 147. Photius, 19. Poor, 123 f., 129. Postulants, 86 f. Presence of God, 27, 60. Prime, 66. Profession, 90 f., 101. Property, 124 f. Proverbs, Book of, 103. Punishment, 54, 56 f., 107.
Quiet, 13, 32.
Ramsay, 11, 98, 128. Renunciation, 5, 33 f. Riches, 5, 33, 123. Roman Empire, 6 f., 48, 95, 123 f. Rufinus, 18, 129. Rule, Basilian, 19 f., 132.
Saturday, 39, 77. Scripture, 13, 17, 18, 20 f., 35, 40, 44, 88, 106, 131. Self-complacency, 42. Self-denial, 33. Sext, 67. Sick, care of, 127 f. Slavery, 108-9, 146. Smith, R. T., 20 f., 73. Socialism, 123. Soldier, Christian, 15, 35. Solitude, 11, 32. Stability, 93. 'Station Days,' 39, 77. Stoicism, 35. Superior, the, 50-6.
Taxation, 124. Temperance, 34 f., 37, 111 f. Terce, 66. Thanksgiving, 73. Theodoret, 4. Tiberina, 11, 12.
Valens, 3, 7. Vasson, 4. Vespers, 67 f. Vigil, 70. Virginity, 31. Virgins, 97. Vows, 91-3.
Western Monasticism, 4, 16, 133.
Genson S. Committee of Sec.
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MORISON
BQ 1167 .M67
St. Basil and his rule